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\title{Open letter on the revolutionary struggle}
\date{2010–2011}
\author{Babis Tsilianidis, Dimitris Dimtsiadis, Socrates Tzifkas, Dimitris Fessas}
\subtitle{}




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\begin{document}






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  {\usekomafont{author}{Babis Tsilianidis, Dimitris Dimtsiadis, Socrates Tzifkas, Dimitris Fessas\par}}%
  
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\begin{quote}


“This is why you my lads with the sword, the fire and the rage in the
mouth I want you to come out naked in the cities, as the viper goes
through the gardens of barley with its proud eyes furious as the
lightnings streams through the youth.”



\end{quote}

\section{13\Slash{}10\Slash{}10}

\subsection{A refusal to surrender and an all in for freedom\dots{}}


A arson is carried out on a vehicle of DEI (national electrical company)
in the center of Thessaloniki where is arrested our brother and
revolutionary anarchist Giannis Skouloudis. And are published based on
testimonies of cops, 4 arrest warrants for us.


The dilemma lasted very little and began the unfortunately short journey
of clandestinity (even though short, it included in the absolute degree
the sweetness that the conscious decisions of life and their militant
applications can give to those who ignite it). A journey that we
consciously chose to lead us to new ruptures with the existing and not
afraid followers of an orbit that the antiterrorist force and its judges
had set. We had to survive and in order for this to happen we stopped
feeling like victims and hunted and anointed ourselves perpetrators and
hunters. Anyway defeat for us was and is an unknown entity. We recouped
therefore and decided: “Lets go again, this time to the end”. We published
the first pamphlet of the Collaboration of Individuals for the Achieving
of the Negative, we read a lot, we learned more, we prepared with caution
and distress new small and big stormings to the sky, we planned new
hostilities with the state, its society, its values and ethics.

\section{13\Slash{}01\Slash{}11}

\subsection{Royal flush of the greek police}


“Now they should speak to be saved they should cease to dream in order to
live\dots{}


The DAY is still far away and they are afraid not to kneel as you are
afraid also.


Now they should speak to be saved, they should cease to love and to live.


The captain says: speak


The whip says: speak


The night says: speak


But the night is little and the comrades and they cut their tongues with
their teeth, as you would do also”


After nine days of surveillance (something we realized the last 3 day but
wrongly believed that we suffer from a persecution syndrome and we are
seeing “undercover ghosts”) the bad thing happens. Three of us are
arrested from helmetwearers in the small streets of Vironas area and the
fourth in a house by some greenwearing dudes with bulletproof shields and
automatic machine guns. We are transported to GADA (police headquarters of
athens) with hoods over our heads, with our escorts giving a recital:


We are for the action.


You are only for texts.


We have the superior firepower.


This is what a surprise approach is. etc.


There we remained standing, naked, with hoods and turned to the wall for
many hours declaring only that we are revolutionary anarchists. Followed
an informal process of questions that also took hours while they
transported us without reason to the corridors in order for them to take
the first photographs that they would give to be publicized. Our refusal
to give prints met an affirmative: “- I did not ask you, you will give
them even if it means we have to break your fingers, it is an order of the
interrogator.” The first three proved too little to “convince” us
therefore they mobilized 7 or 8 individuals.


They slammed our heads on the tables, they stepped on ankles, they twisted
our arms to the point that they were completely numb, they hit and bent
our fingers in order for them to swell, so they can take them by force.


Until Saturday when we were transported to Thessaloniki, but also from
Sunday to Tuesday, we remained in cells 2,5m by 1m denying to eat or to
drink anything.


Finally, they took our photographs with 2 holding us while we wore
handcuffs and one pulling us from the hair. When later it was asked from
us to sign testimonies, to give this way our prints and DNA officially, we
reminded them that we have learned to be careful where we put our
signature.


(Note: it is unnecessary to mention that what we publish is in order to
transfer the experience to those who perhaps will go through it in the
future and surely not to complain for our trampled rights, since we have
buried them along with our obligations to society)


Tuesday we were transferred to Koridallos and Avlona in order to continue
now, our inside the walls struggle for freedom and the revolution.


“This round never finishes\dots{}.


The rebels turn once again \dots{}..”


A few dozen anarchists, revolutionaries, guerillas of all tendencies are
in the prisons of Greece.


Locked up (and not defeated) because they lived and because they acted as
it suits every person that fights against power, as an institution and as
a relation, as it suits every person that stands proudly and with audacity
against their era.


And they are not defeated because the hostilities do not seem to cease.
Because the carriers of absolute refusal of this world, despite that the
blows multiply, mainly become more stubborn.


And our times, are a big bet for the construction of the chaotic army, a
big opportunity for one or even better for a lot of vital and irreparable
blows to the social structure and its smoothness.


Before however we reach today let us introduce ourselves.

\subsection{Revolution in first singular}


Even though our choices, our struggles, our arrest is only one small piece
that completes the revolutionary mosaic of our era, we feel the need to
expose our courses, our theories, our experiences in order to communicate
with those who fight contributing to the dialogue within the anarchist
revolutionary community.


Our identity anyway we never hid. We are also a piece of the anarchist
movement, we promote inside and outside of it the
revolutionary\Slash{}individualistic analysis, mature (and not suburban) child,
of experiences and also conditions of the 21\textsuperscript{st} century.


1. And individualism of the 21\textsuperscript{st} century is not reported neither in its
idealistic imprinting by office workers that lived 100 years ago, but also
neither its “martyric” realization by our desperate -communists in
theory-French and Italian grandfathers. Anyway, in our
practical-theoretical toolbox there is the tool of critical analytical
thought and our influences will not be identical with specific theories of
the past.

\subsection{The Why}


We lived therefore and we live a life that does not cover us: materially
and intellectually. We also met, as well as the rest of the social total,
the relations of authority and exploitation, the moments of boredom and
emptiness that were offered to us via the modern way of life and its idos.
In short, we lived and we live an alienated life in which it was IMPOSED
on us to function as producing-machines in order to make richer those who
possess a higher place in social hierarchy. A condition which we ACCEPTED
learning and finally, wishing for what it offers to us, having forgotten
what we really need. We became consumers of materials and spectacles that
were transformed into objectives of life. Our life fluctuated and
fluctuates between 100 disgusting musts, of the schools, universities,
jobs and 100 even more disgusting wants, for social devolution, getting
rich, over-consumerism, snitching, mediocrity. Our life remained closed in
apartments, bombarded with advertisements and television messages and
wandering in front of thousands of cameras or often ascertained by the
guards of order.


We felt the loneliness, emptiness, mediocrity, the subjugation. We felt
the chains deeply in our skin and our brain. However we took our own
responsibility for this situation, first as a perception, and then we
decided to act in the here-and-now not able to wait inactively for the
conditions “to mature”. Anyway, without excluding a collective
insurrection it would not cover us if it happened with economic motives
from a mass of people that will function as such, aiming simply at a
painless relaxation of our chains, or even, at a total reform of the
existing world, with a realignment. We therefore began our own struggle.
And we decided to arm ourselves\dots{}

\subsection{Everyone has a responsibility}


If the refusal of a slave life meant also the move of war against the
administrators and their guards, its final destruction is stuck and sticks
on the acceptance that comes from the remainder of the (self)enclosed in
it.


The enemy is everywhere, and the cop is in our brain:


Patriarchal relations, xenophobic deliriums, uniformed wishes,
installation of microcameras in small shops, need for safety and calmness,
the vote of many of us, competition and ass-kissing in school and at jobs.
Values and relations that were definitely promoted from above but for sure
were adopted from below. Small or big contracts and self-enslaved
acceptances of each person cannot be justified. VALUES, however, are
realized by CHOICES, and to deprive the force of refusal from yourself, is
one of them.


Our war therefore first and mainly is a war of values, with whoever
retains one way or another, the social structure concrete. Thus we did not
want to become neither the avant-garde of a ductile massive
dissatisfaction nor an elite that fights against all. Understanding the
faculty from above to split the annoying for them classes and groups,
re-collectivizing them into a fabricated argument of safety, and supplying
them through secure airtight channels, we stopped referring to totals and
groups of people that had been defined as revolutionary subjects in the
previous centuries and we defined as a revolutionary subject the
individual.


For us everything begins from the configuration of an
individual-revolutionary conscience that is prompted and prompts its
carrier to dispute the sovereign way of life, its institutions and to
realize its share of responsibility in the perpetuation and maintenance of
the existing system. To deny and to attack in the end anything that
maintains or evolves this world and its destroys its life, seeking
freedom.

\subsection{From the me to the us}


The human being however is a social being and when its need for
communication and collectivization is expressed simultaneously with its
individual awareness but also the knowledge of the strength it hides in
its brain and hands, blooms what we name revolutionary-individualism. Is
built, simultaneously, a negative collective conscience that in its
extension abolishes roles, identities, relations, institutions and
creates, increased qualitatively and quantitatively, time-space dykes that
are capable to create authentic, individual\Slash{}collective experiences of
struggle, capable to realize the revolution every moment via the permanent
deregulation of social balances.

\subsection{We are the death rattle of this society}


The social body for us cannot be faced as something homogeneous and be
characterized either as an ally or as an enemy. It consists of various
social groups that are composed from various individuals. The relations
that are developed in its gut are permanently altered depending on the
clashes, balances and contradictions of each era but simultaneously and
diachronically, also altered models of deep alienation, imposition of
force and exercise of authority. The social body is finally nothing for
us, but a battlefield. A struggle that can become the property and ground
of co-formation for those who consciously listen to it, organize it,
enrich it but at the same time clashes with those that do not. And if
therefore we claim that our struggle turns against this but also every
society, obviously we do not mean that it targets all the individuals that
compose it as candidate victims. Such a thing would be contradictory and
impasse because whether we like it or not we are a part of it as well.


It is simply that we believe that the existence of a mass human society
itself, creates institutions, hierarchies, specializations, oppression,
the exploitation of nature. We live in it and we shape in its interior a
powerful minority that conspires against every of its expression and
undermines its perpetuation, organizing it again into structures of
fighting camps (based on characteristics of conscience) and applying from
now into practice the existence, collaboration, solidarity even the
potential polemic between small autonomous communities.


And let us remind that the struggle for us is a product of the lack of
freedom and self-definition and not the result of any economic
inequalities and the “evident” exercise of authority from some
collectivized subject against one, beforehand, collectivized object. For
us the economic conditions are only a accelerating explosion as long as we
manage it smartly.

\subsection{Welcoming\dots{}}


The economic crisis, another opportunity of struggle,


one more opportunity for the revealing of meaningful judgement


“The negative decides, The inevitable cannot be neutralized and takes
positions in the beginning of the last adventure. And this time, no one
will come out alive from here”


Social conditions are not a stagnant situation but differ depending on the
time-space economic situations. It is very important for a revolutionary
to analyze them and take them under consideration, in order for his action
to be more effective. And obviously we do not speak of change of values or
arguments, but of the accuracy and better aim of actions but also words.


In the era in question we live in a period of social crash-test in the
form of an economic crisis. We see a new sharing of wealth from the bellow
to the above. The dilemmas that we did not anticipate to place to the
“neutrals” were placed by the enemy. Testing their resistances, they
remind their position in the social hierarchy and make the situation
evident, for those who are not blind. Obviously it has a cost\dots{}


And we are not referring obviously to the increase of criminality. This
will meet so much the repression as well as its management in order to
extend the feeling of insecurity that it has create. And the pie uneaten
and the dog full. (old greek proverb)


Sovereign will generously offer what they know will return the labour
surplus value and the freedom of the feared citizens. News Bulletins,
cameras and cops.

\subsection{On the other hand however\dots{}}


Albania, Ireland, Greece, France, Portugal, England (yes, England), Arabic
countries, the permanently agitated Latin America. The hibernation of
social conflicts has been interrupted. And it is exactly as we imagined
it. This force is not but:


Partial but also unforeseen.


Demanding yet also conflictual.


With national characteristics but a carrier of class hate.


Ready to return home and also ready to remain for ever in the streets.


Using blind violence but simultaneously giving essential moments of
resistance.


Cut into pieces but in the beginning of a rudimentary process and an
embryonic collectivization.


The first shaking was given by the enemy itself. And the second one is
obviously our own obligation.


The ignition of the civil revolutionary war, the social polarization now
looks even more feasible. The responsibility of the
anarchist\Slash{}revolutionary movement is to light up the wick that will ignite
this particularly explosive social condition. And obviously it will not be
a simple process. Besides, “it needs hard work, it needs persistence and a
smile and a way”.

\subsection{The intervention in the partial struggles, the terms, fermentation, the “alliances”}


“You are waiting for a revolution? So be it, mine began a long time ago!
When you are ready (what endless waiting!) I do not mind riding a little
together with you. When however you stop, I will continue my insane and
triumphant path to the important and paramount conquest of nothing! Every
society that you will build will have its limits. And outside of the
limits of every society, disobedient and heroic vagabonds will wander
around with their wild and sacrilegious thoughts – planning even newer and
more frightening outbreaks of insurrection! I will be among them.


And after me, as before, their will be those who will say to their
friends: “bow to yourselves rather than the gods and idols. Find what you
hide inside you and bring it to the light, reveal itself”.


Because each one exploring within, extracts whatever mysteriously has been
buried in them, it becomes a shadow that will overshadow every form of
society that can exist under the sun!


All societies tremble when the despised aristocracy of vagabonds, the
excluded, the unique, dominators and conquerors of the ideal of nothing,
advances decisively to its sacrilegious and liberating work.


Therefore, iconoclasts, ahead!”


Especially this period the mixture in the social pot can be characterized
flammable.


It would be our mistake to leave these occasions to be lost. An even
bigger one of course, would be for us to be absorbed by the dissatisfied
crowd. What we are saying is that we can and we should extract from this
the minorities that are not satisfy with walks, voting, symbolic clashes.


We do not have anything to lose therefore from our intervention in the
social struggles, as long as we go there with clear intentions. Deviation,
communication, diffusion, but at the same time the protection and
simultaneous propagation of our aims. The critical attendance is what can,
to us take “things” forward and not the identification or the blind
following of each claim.


Not all struggles are the same, no matter how you look at it. And the
contradictions first and mainly strike the anarchists that participate in
them.


The “mind cops”, teachers that give away expulsions, specialized knowledge
and values of this world not a few times have turned into fighting
schoolteachers, truck drivers that clashed with the MAT wore ancient Greek
t-shirts and applauded king Konstantinos. The “hero” immigrants, our
“damned brothers” (most of them atleast) do not seek anything other than
to devolve and live the “western dream”.


In order to not be misunderstood and in order to finish we should stop
speaking of totals of people, even more in their name and search the
moments, the relations, those refusals that can’t be absorbed by the
demands and can be turned into a real danger for the state and its
society.


Lets embrace those who are ready first of all to deny their role
(immigrants, schoolteachers, doctors, generally the “oppressed”) and to
constitute the revolutionary community that does not request, but fights.


Our bet is here, open for each one that stops victimizing their existence
and read the force within them.


Lets be intelligent, lets be crafty, lets stand next to those who fight.
Lets stop getting excited and consuming spectacles of struggles, lets
become essential, experience the substance, sow the chaos we have inside
us.


The contribution of anarchists in the intensification of social
oppositions, their organization, the revolutionary prospect\dots{}.


For those who perceive the gravity of this era (or better the gravity of
every era) and the importance of the anarchist\Slash{}liberating\Slash{}revolutionary
struggle in this, its imperative we ask the following question.

\subsection{What do we do?}


The ways of organization, our structures, the means of struggle, their
intelligent management, the language that we use, the points of connection
and rupture with whatever certain struggles, the objectives, immediate and
future. Subjects which have received thousands of approaches from the
fighters, the revolutionaries, the guerillas of every land and every era.
The question of organization and the objectives of the revolutionary
community has a lot of aspects and we are committed to approach them
analytically in future texts.


At the moment we judge useful we present en brief our own approach and
point of view.

\subsection{From the individual realization until its gigantic grow through collectivization}


The meeting of the individuals that have realized that the modern way of
life does not cover them is the first step for the growth of subversive
action and the process of fermentation of liberating ideas and practices.
This meeting is achieved via the creation of informal groups, collectives
and affinity groups (on a first level between friends). In them the
individuals apart from going more organized into action, can communicate
their perceptions, reflections, refusals and wishes, their fears and their
dreams. These re-groupings, at least as we have experienced them, despite
the sincere intentions and their many times effectiveness in the
objectives they put, have the negative element that, because precisely of
this relaxed relation between the individuals, in time they are weakened
and finally dissolved with a portion of individuals that composed them to
turn disappointed to privatization.

\subsection{The bet for the transition from the friend-group to the organized minority infrastructure}


The transition from the group to the organized infrastructure is not a
question of utilization of certain excessive and substantially empty
words. It lies within the perception itself and the organization of our
refusals. It is the attempt to demean and experience the words:
responsibility, commitment, consistency, continuity, development,
comradeship, devotion. The participation and organization in a
revolutionary infrastructure has requirements. Requirements that are
obviously decided collectively from all participating on the base of
respect in individuality but also on the common passion to fight. An
entire world remains to be discovered, another remain to be demolished, no
only by friends but from comrades and co-fighters.


Circles of self-education, practical knowledge, thoughts for the future of
the struggle, setting up strategic plans that are judged advisable to be
used, moments of experienced attack and in particular in duration of time.
The relations thus tighten and keep well shut the door to hierarchies,
specializations, the silence in the conversations from the “shyest”.
Simultaneously, the common experiences, the progressive convergence of
theories, the coordinated henceforth rhythms welcome to the team the
significance of development but also the fast diagnosis of the conditions
(internal-external) that result, making thus more accurate the
intervention, correction or even the polemic against them.


At this point it would not be pointless to mention the question of means.
The bipolar legal-illegal means should immediately be surpassed by every
fighter, not however their careful choice. It is not only that each case
is judged differently, i.e. that the distribution of texts can be more
effective in one case, while in a other an explosive mechanism can do “the
job better”. This obviously and is in effect leaving it to the mature
judgment of those who know not to fetishize but also not to excommunate.


For us the events, flyposting, protests, clashes in the streets, the
smashing and the paintbombing, the dynamic practices of direct action
compose the united and multiform revolutionary struggle. The distribution
of our word and our acts, can be carried out in many ways. If somewhere we
simply want to draw the attention of the new comrades, it is that they are
careful not of what means they are using, but the way they do it.


Conspiring (or as it has been said “the will for anonymity”), the low
profile, the carefully arranged appointments, the games with the word so
not to identify i.e. the writing on a poster, with the writing of an
attack action, are matters that should not be exceeded quickly, from the
new revolutionaries.


And obviously we do not speak of segregation of people that fight into
illegal and legal. The language of the cops is impossible for us to
reproduce. On the contrary, we judge necessary the guerrilla word relates
and is not hostile to the public.


Perhaps simply we should revise the ways i.e. we distribute a leaflet or
flypost or on the other hand we should learn to use the word, to have the
possibility of making the enemy seek us in a foggy landscape. We do not
want to extend ourselves more publicly, we are simply transferring our
thoughts for those who continue and dare to fight, for them to judge and
evolve them.


Concluding, we are beside and we have big confidence in the new
generations of revolutionaries, that they will exceed our own errors and
anchylosis and as our own generation they will deliver to the next more
complete, more targeted, harder, more careful experiences of struggle from
those that they received.


The infrastructures of attack,


the diffuse revolutionary guerrilla,


the myths, reality, the sycophancy


“Revolutionary action itself, even the fact that we equip ourselves, that
we prepare ourselves, the fact that we do actions that violate urban
legality, creates a conscience, an organization, the revolutionary
conditions.”


For decades, the anarchist movement in Greece (and we obviously are not
referring to any official bureaucratic and leftist version of it), because
of theoretical disagreements, internal frictions, small time politics,
fear, insistence on the spectacular approach of violence, remained
primarily uninvolved in the issue of armed conflict with the forces of the
state, leaving the “responsibility” to the armed organizations of the left
(with a few but luminous exceptions).


Itself the spectacular image of armed struggle, in combination with its
demystification, so much from the perpetrators, as well as the
“spectators”, reproduced armed conflict but also more generally guerrilla
action as a condition to be managed only by certain specialized commandos.
The margins for those who saw the necessity of these forms of struggle,
was shifted by the attendance in them, and fluctuates somewhere between
the gossip in cafes and the clapping while sitting on the couch.


Obviously, the years from the change of regime until 2002, the
participation of anarchists in social mobilizations (that many times took
intensely conflictual characteristics) but also the low intensity guerilla
(smashings and arsons with a lean reasoning accompanied by a formal
expression of solidarity to the each time imprisoned fighters) brought
substantial results so much in the numerical increase of the a\Slash{}a movement,
as well as any vested experience of direct\Slash{}conspiratorial action.


The dissolution of the R.O. 17\textsuperscript{th} November, was a decisive point for those
who perceived the necessity and importance of continuing armed action.


The gap of the blows, that would inspire other fighters, that would hurt
the picture of the “omnipotent” state, in the times of the most shameless
compromise of the Left, began to be covered by armed groups with a more
intense anarchist\Slash{}antiauthoritarian characteristic and phraseology.


A few years later, in the frames of dialectic development, were born
groups and organizations with a clear anarchist phraseology (even if they
used or use “heretical” speech).


The revolt of December 2008, acted as a catalyst and multiplicative for
these groups, for the guerrilla tendency of our era, for the firmament of
what is called, not unfairly, new urban guerrilla.


The definition of “new” is not used in order to break it away from its
roots, the historical deposit it received, autonomize it temporally in the
continuity of struggles that have been expressed historically (an
impossible thing anyway) but in order to reveal the by us necessary and
fertile ruptures with the theoretical quivers that were delivered to it.


The urban guerrilla of our generation did not speak from choice, with
economic or defensive terms in order to justify its existence socially.


It engraved and engraves its own orbit speaking experiential, direct and
accessible, not so much in order to be consolidated in the such ductile
social conscience (if in the end it exists as a united piece), but in
order to constitute\Slash{}co-form exclusively with those who fight, the
revolutionary community and its own conscience.


It was and is, so much a component of a wider radical and multiform
struggle, as well as a PERMANENT PROVOCATION (INVITE) for anyone
interested, a PERCEPTION of MOVEMENT IN THE URBAN FIELD, A WAY OF LIFE.


It is a fact that it did not seek social acceptance but the INDIVIDUAL AND
COLLECTIVE COMPLICITY.


It is of no interest to us even now, if not hostile, the criticism, the
“understanding” or the claps of the couchlovers, the progressive, those
who do not fight (and we are not referring only to armed struggle at this
point) and they are not the criterion for us to act, for us to live.
Simultaneously, if its something we really anticipate is so much the
critique as well as the co-formation of common struggle, of those who with
a thousand ways fight and dream the destruction of this world.


New urban guerrilla of course, crossed and crosses its own course, a
course that obviously knew and overtook its own errors and contradictions,
something which happens in every healthy evolutionary course of a tendency
and proposal of struggle.


The self-criticism of those who compose it, whether behind the bars, or
via the continuation of the hostilities themselves, constitutes for us a
basic element in the promotion but also its continuous readjustment on the
significance of permanent improvement, felicity, sharpness.


“The deep good intention of self-criticism submits the ideas in a tireless
and exhaustive interrogation. The verdict with the adequate strickness
that suits the attachment to the revolutionary case, decides
unscrupulously the rejection of the handlings that rest henceforth in the
the quiver of the opponent. It sails without delay from the sentimental
anchorage, blows up without leaving traces the remains of the false
conscience, it destroys unhesitating what disorientates it and also delays
it.”


It is absolutely natural and beautiful in the frames of an innate and
recently conscious\Slash{}experienced liveliness and appetite for action exists
so much enthusiasm and hurrying. These two basic components of the
character of a new revolutionary is necessary they are accompanied by
their suitable management so as to avoid a pointless expose to repression.
The war that we conduct is endless, each move should be well weighed and
well-processed and not a product of compulsion.


We must learn to separate the war with the enemy from its underestimation.
Big dreams are not necessary to be accompanied by big talk but by
well-aimed actions and critical analyses.


We should be aware that critique and rupture with the official and
orthodox revolutionary line of each era includes a big responsibility for
those who practice it. The responsibility for the organization and the
strengthening of their own “tendency” and not the occasional pastime with
it.


The relations and awareness are surely not made only in the amphitheatres
but also on the action, on our common experiences. We shall find the
balance between the will for action and in the will for theoretical
fermentation. The balance between the quality and quantity of the
objectives and the quality and quantity of our relations and our analyses.


We should guard the secrets of revolutionary war from the hobbyists. The
struggle needs dedicated people to intensify it and it cannot bare any
more silent privatizations, retreats, renunciations when things go bad.


We seek the essential and experiential imprinting of ourselves, our
co-fighters, our tools of liberation, the significance of destruction in
our own lives. Lets exile the spectacular depictions from now on from our
brain activities.


If there is an indirect reference in some of our experiences, exposing
them publicly and direct, it does not happen in order to give more food
for clusters of inactivity and to experts on the subject, gossipers.


We are nothing but a small but proud minority of this tendency and having
the conscience for the clearness of our choices and for the surpassing of
our own mistakes we want to share the experiences of our journey. Our
small defeats and our big victories. Victories that cannot be measured in
military terms (at least not only in them) but are an alloy of moments and
experiences that we acquire as warriors of the revolution.


The damage (small or big) that we cause to the enemy, the happiness that
we experience being 100\% devoted to the struggle, the overcomed fear
during an attack, the smiles after its done, the precious relations that
bore and bear, the organizations and groups that in the difficult times
continue, those that now with audacity spring up\dots{}


This list still writes.


Because history counts the silences, but surely also counts the struggles
and our struggle will have no end.


The bet we put has already been won. The names of organizations and
fighters are of no importance anymore and our war cry was met in the
hearts and the thoughts of those who will not die as slaves in this shit
world. Already new revolutionaries, new guerillas process our structures
and choices of struggle.


And as long as this chain does not break, our own involvement, our own
small ring in this cannot be considered lost.

\subsection{Concluding\dots{}}


The connection of revolutionary infrastructures, the informal networks of
coordinated action, the construction of the chaotic army


“The negative recognizes the vastness of the duties its called to serve.
It restores in the historical limelight the meetings that were avoided,
whether because they skewed from the rota and the needs of time or because
of wrong handling”


Communication, the co-ordination of action, the joint appointment of
issues, the exchange of critical opinions, mutual aid are the next step
for the organization of rebels, for the qualitative and quantitative
upgrade of the struggle. The diversity in the perceptions and practices,
the autonomy of each infrastructure (as that of the individuals that
compose it) should not mean also split action, at least not continuously.
On the contrary this diversity if communicated, cultivated, connected with
fertile terms it is the wealth that is jointly shared by those who fight.
What is in the first place necessary, is the conquest of the conscience of
COMMON STRUGGLE. Then can spring up (and we stress not necessarily)
collaborations, fermentations, co-sailing. The exchange of theoretical
disagreements but also the exchange of information of actions can bring so
much the co-formation of common public speech resulting in the biggest and
better-aimed possible approach as well as the co-formation of common
objectives and appointment of issues resulting in the biggest wound to the
enemy. Henceforth individual development and awareness will be developed
simultaneously so much with the collective as well the inter-collective.
The horizontal-chaotic networks of multiform anarchist\Slash{}revolutionary
action are a feasible process, a process necessary, in order to compose as
much as possible, the cut up community of refusal but also in order to
signal from before, the end of every effort of its hierarchical structure.


From the illegal radiostations to the occupations. From the attempts of
counter-information and publication of printed material to the assemblies
of solidarity. From the sabotage groups to the armed organizations. From
the groups of guarding and medical or legal coverage in the demonstrations
to the networks of support of fugitive comrades. Lets learn from the
movements of the enemy and the co-ordination of its forces and do the
same. Or even worse. The unification of this world in a “single unbeatable
destructive force”, should become the aim of the revolutionaries of today.


A first attempt of constituting such a network of struggle has already
been put into action. The informal anarchic federation-international
revolutionary network that is comprised by groups and organizations from
the whole world aiming at the co-ordination of action and the approach of
thematics gives its own point of view of organization of the struggle.
Safekeeping the rules of conspiratorial, people that perceived the
existence of their common references and places of connection, practice
and theory set up and evolve via their communication from the written
published speech a platform of thought and action. Something proportional
should be in the planning by the imprisoned rebels all over the world.
Something proportional can and should be created in the all fields that
where the revolutionary war is expressed and the anarchist\Slash{}liberating
struggle is composed. It is in our hands, the organization, strengthening,
deepening, enlargement, the collectivization of our refusals. The times
demand it the consciences require it\dots{}


Lets prepare the construction of the chaotic army\dots{}


We were and we will be a piece of those who fight for the connection and
not for the rupture of forms of struggle.


We also believe that the hands of each one are capable of making both
types of lead to rattle.


We promote and support the polymorphy of the anarchist revolutionary
struggle without hiding our longterm objective:


the multiplication of guerrilla organizations, the social polarization,
the civil revolutionary war as an essential condition for the crushing of
the social machine.


In this effort of ours, in the effort of organizing a guerrilla front, on
the 13\textsuperscript{th} of January we were arrested and on the 18\textsuperscript{th} of the same month we
were led as prisoners of war to the prisons of the enemy.

\subsection{Confinement does not mean defeat}


There is also that point in the course of a revolutionary where he\Slash{}she
will fall into the hands of the enemy. Territorially, the captivity of an
adversary of sovereignty will be in the prisons, while the time-line
fluctuates -from a few months up to decades.


What leads however a revolutionary to captivity is nothing other than
her\Slash{}his choices. The situations that we experience are shaped based on the
decisions that we have selected to put into application and in future
defend. As anarchist revolutionaries, it is obvious that we know and in
the end should contemplate that each choice is accompanied with the
equivalent cost. Inside these frames, every revolutionary knows or at
least SHOULD know (experiential and with a historical base) the particular
cost, from the loss of social bonds and imprisonment, up to death and to
be prepared for this.


From the biggest loss, we have learned to gain everything.


Each revolutionary planning, happens with a complete analysis of all
fields of its application (apprising the conditions) and surely its
results (in all aspects). This price, many times is under the form of
punishment. Sovereignty, firstly knows that no correctional system is able
to functions in the way with which it was initialized, when it is applied
on a conscious enemy of it.


Thus, the incarceration of revolutionaries, does not aim in their
punishment but:


\begin{enumerate}[1.]
\item\relax 
Their material extermination, the quantitative reduction of
revolutionary potential.



\item\relax 
The cutting off of the revolutionary from the fields the social and
revolutionary fermentations and activities.



\item\relax 
Making an example that is addressed to those who attempt or even think
of the carrying out of each subversive thought or plan.




\end{enumerate}

Finally, incarceration in shackles of the enemy attempts to reveal the
spectacular supremacy of sovereignty, the militant conflictual of
comparison (“I have caused x wounds to the enemy and it has caused v
wounds to me”). A message like “look who has the upper hand” addressing
the neutral social body.


When the punishment finds us proud and ready to face it, it loses its real
use. When on the other, fear dominates over us and influences our every
choice, going above the substance of the choice itself, then the latter
loses its revolutionary character.

\subsection{Stubborness – force – continuity of the struggle totally and wholly}


In every revolutionary exists innate a powerful dose of force. It is the
same force that exerted-exerts and will continue to exert on the existing.
The friction between revolutionary forces that attack against the state
develops a bidirectional relation, a relation of aid or alleviation, which
mainly depends on the continuation or not of its application.


More simply and specifically: half of the force and the stubborness that a
prisoner shows comes from the individual itself. All the remainder is an
aid that comes from the continuation of the struggle itself. No, its not
the actions of solidarity – exclusively- that will give strength to a
prisoner. Its the actions of solidarity as a partial application of the
struggle that you continue expressing. The stubborness that will be shown
from those outside functions additionally with the stubborness that will
be shown by those inside.


Both however concern the TOTAL application of the revolutionary anarchist
struggle and depend on it.


We recognize, therefore, that only this would have importance on the
application of any revolutionary planning. The fighting continuity
consistency on the pre-agreed frames. Besides, to this we commit
ourselves. From there after, each hostage or not revolutionary owes to do
the same.


The war today requires it.

\subsection{The hostilities continue}



\begin{quote}


“And the crops grew and bared fruits.


But the birds, did not approach because a scary figure was guarding.


Time passed


and the black birds multiplied and grew hungrier.


Until one morning, they could not take it anymore.


They stopped being afraid and they attacked the sleepless guardian of the
field.


And while their beaks tore it apart, they realized it was only a
scarecrow. Realizing thus that their biggest enemy


the one that made them starve


was their own fear.


From now on nothing can stop them.


From now on the flooded with wheat land belongs to them.”



\end{quote}


And the war continues.


In the foggy battlefield we continue to dash armed with revolutionary
dignity and stubborness. The enemy attacks also in return. Some of us will
fall in their hands, other will even lose their life.


However as long as one of us still breathes, in any corner of this planet
the dykes are rebuilt and the plan will continue to develop.


And look!


New battles approach and this time we will be readier than never. Our
ranks are staffed with new comrades, our structures are organized and our
practices developed.


The result of the war does not interest us anymore, besides each one of us
imagines differently the celebrations of victory. All of us however are
expressed by this war because very simply the consequences of this peace
ate at our guts like carnivorous worms. We could not do differently. We
could not leave fucking fear to march undisturbed in our hearts. We looked
it in the eyes and this made it step back.


It is the pride of our choices that makes us not care of the consequences
and the reflection of our dreams in the eyes of comrades that gives us
strength to continue.


Our day dawns and the enemy can be slightly seen from far away. We have
the wind against us and the sun blinds us. But the bodies of the opponents
are rotten because for a long time now illness has been dragged in their
land.


Lets go therefore comrades, lets attack in the name of revenge, in the
name of our ego, in the name of freedom.


Lets go therefore comrades, we have already won.


Lets go and crush them and get crushed in the effort.


“It is sad to write on a page with the heart wondering: and after what?


But we are devoted to the struggle. Or to achieve our loss. Its bound to
happen and thus someone of us inevitably is lost. And then the idiots will
shout, stubborn anarchist! Who however can comprehend the storm that roars
in our brain? Who can understand our insatiable hunger for joy, for life?
Who can perceive our victory over human cowardice?


We are alone. We did not find a group of daring and risky, ready to
participate in the struggle for the conquest of life. Consequently we were
beaten and one of us was lost.


But always the other remains always with the look nailed on the horizon.
It cannot, it should not deviate. This is our destiny. Will we find, we
wonder, comrades on our course? And if not, again, each one taking his own
lonely course will disappear silently or noisily from the scene of this
world? A chapter closed, a chapter full of fights, hopes, delusions. But,
the end has not come yet. This is all i have to say.”


Text of revolutionary Kostas Pappas


As for us\dots{} We remain standing, we remain unrepentant, we remain proud for
our action, our choices and the comrades that will evolve them.


SOLIDARITY AND UNITY TO THOSE WHO FIGHT INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE PRISONS,
HERE BUT ALSO EVERYWHERE HOLDING THE BANNERS OF LIBERATION HIGH
Long live the revolution


Long live the new urban guerrilla


FREEDOM FOR EVER


Babis Tsilianidis


Dimitris Dimtsiadis


Socrates Tzifkas


Dimitris Fessas


4\Slash{}03\Slash{}2011



\bigskip


P.S. 1: Consciously we did not refer in our first text on the diagnosis
and interpretation that we give to the recent repressive mobilization. The
question of governmental counter-attack towards those who fight and
dispute its omnipotence obviously concerns us, and we will try to approach
it in the near future.


Now we can make two small references.


We declare publicly that the anarchist Fee Meyer has no relation with us
and what we lived or chose. Her only implication is her friendly relation
with one of us and a coffee in Thisio that was finally proved bitter. Our
solidarity even now that we heard of her release, is a given, since she
will continue to be dragged in courts for a case she has nothing to do
with.


Our parents and our friends have no relation with our choices
(unfortunately and at least for now), so it would be wise of the
antiterrorist force and the cops to stop HARASSING AND BULLYING
individuals of our close environment.


We judge useful these facts and such movements are published IMMEDIATELY,
in order to show the role of EL.AS (greek police) and its new tactics, not
as a whine but as one more element of polarization and clearing out of
fighting camps. Camps that henceforth, and if we judge from the movements
of the thugs that raise their hand more than they should, it appears our
mothers, fathers and friends are also entering.


P.S. 2: We thank those who stood and stand next to us. We stole enough
strength from the strength of those who were in the courts in
Athens\Slash{}Thessaloniki, those who broke the climate of terror in the
neighborhoods we lived, those who we found out that they think of us,
those who honoured us accompanying our names with dynamic actions of
attack.


Simultaneously, let us to ask something from those who feel what we mean.
Solidarity to the prisoners of war has a meaning when it is simply another
reason to fight, another reason of war. Don’t bite on this climate, we
should not spend ourselves on the question of solidarity, and limit
ourselves to this.


For us there is no stronger sense of warmth and solidarity than the
continuation of hostilities, especially in this era, especially in this
condition.


DONT STOP THE STRUGGLE EVEN FOR A MINUTE COMRADES


RAISE THE SAILS AGAINST THE WEATHER




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The Anarchist Library



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Babis Tsilianidis, Dimitris Dimtsiadis, Socrates Tzifkas, Dimitris Fessas

Open letter on the revolutionary struggle



2010–2011


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Dark Matter Publications
   
boubouras translations
   



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