7 June 2003
Source: http://usinfo.state.gov/cgi-bin/washfile/display.pl?p=/products/washfile/latest&f=03060505.elt&t=/products/washfile/newsitem.shtml


US Department of State
International Information Programs

Washington File
_________________________________

05 June 2003

Natsios Says Regime Exerts Absolute Control Over North Korean Society

(Testimony before Senate panel June 5) (3250)

"No totalitarian regime of the last century has exercised a greater
degree of absolute control over its society than the North Korean
government," says Andrew Natsios, administrator for the U.S. Agency
for International Development. "North Korean refugees have often
described their country as one massive prison."

Natsios made his observations in testimony June 5 before the Senate
Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs.

According to Natsios, "the regime in North Korea derives the vast
majority of its influence over the minds and hearts of the people
through its absolute control and manipulation of all information made
available to the local population."

He also reported that the economic crisis of the 1990s led to a famine
that killed an estimated 2.5 million people -- some 10 percent of the
population.

"It is astonishing to me," Natsios told Senate members, "that the
international humanitarian and human rights community, which has been
so outspoken in its condemnation of human right violations in
countries like Burma and Sudan, has been so late in acknowledging the
reality of life in North Korea and the nature of the regime."

He noted that President Bush "has reversed this relative international
silence on what the North Korean regime is really about in his many
comments on North Korea and through the aggressive reporting of the
State Department."

The U.S. government, Natsios said, "will continue our efforts at every
opportunity to publicize the true nature of the North Korean
government and, through our humanitarian programs, to effectively and
transparently address the most urgent needs of the people." He pointed
out that since 1995, U.S. humanitarian programs have provided almost
two million tons of food aid to North Korea, valued at approximately
$650 million.

Following is the text of Natsios's testimony, as released by USAID:

(begin text)

The United States Agency for International Development

Testimony of Andrew S. Natsios Administrator, USAID
Before the Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Committee on Foreign Relations
U.S. Senate
June 5, 2003

Chairman Brownback, Members of the committee: It is an honor to be
here today to discuss "Life Inside North Korea." As you may know,
during the North Korean famine I have researched the living conditions
of the average North Korean for many years with a particular focus on
their food security. I have traveled inside the country, visited the
border areas in China, and interviewed North Korean refugees in a
number of countries.

My testimony will be based on five propositions about the nature of
the North Korean regime and the way in which it controls North Korean
society.

-- The central operating principle which drives all of the decision
making of the North Korean government is regime survival and
protection of the system which supports it at all costs because the
leaders believe that reforming the system could lead to its collapse.

-- No totalitarian regime of the last century has exercised a greater
degree of absolute control over its society than the North Korean
government, though cracks began to appear in the state apparatus of
terror beginning in 1996 because of economic collapse and the famine
crisis.

-- The unwritten and unspoken compact prior to the famine was that the
people surrendered their freedom in exchange for which the state
agreed to care for them, heavily tempered by political loyalty, from
cradle to grave. This compact began to crumble by 1996 as virtually
all public services including the food distribution system collapsed
except those serving the party cadre, the security apparatus, and the
capital city.

-- While the regime under Kim Il Sung had widespread public support
prior to the crisis of the 1990s, the famine, the collapse of
services, and the rise in the human misery index have meant a
substantial decline in public support even among the party cadres for
Kim Jong Il and his government, which now more than ever relies on the
state security apparatus and military to maintain control.

-- The economic crisis of the 1990s, which led to a famine that killed
more than 2 1/2 million people, or 10% of the population of the
country, has caused irreversible changes to the old order and the
system which supports its.

It is a fact that no government in the world is more reclusive, more
suspicious of contact with the outside world, more isolated, and more
devoted to absolute control and secrecy than North Korea. This fact
makes it difficult, but not impossible, to develop an accurate
understanding of conditions in the country. We now have more
information on life in North Korea than at any time in the recent
past. Extensive reporting is available, from a wide variety of
reputable sources, which paints a consistent and all too clear picture
of the Orwellian society that exists in North Korea today. Human
Rights Watch, Jasper Becker's research and reporting on the famine,
Good Friends (a South Korean Buddhist nongovernmental organization),
Amnesty International, Johns Hopkins School of Public Health, Doctors
Without Borders, and Action Contre la Faim, among others, have
reported extensively on their direct experiences in the country and on
the results of interviews with North Korean refugees and defectors.
Additional evidence exists in professional journals and an increasing
number of private books which describes in great detail the lives of
specific individuals who have lived in North Korea.

There are apologists for the North Korean government who contend that
the regime in North Korea is not as repressive, controlling, and
brutal as I am about to describe. They are wrong. North Korean
refugees have often described their country as one massive prison.

Every Aspect of Life

Controlled Mr. Chairman, life in North Korea today is less free and
less humane than life in any other country now or in modern time.
Every aspect of life is controlled and every bit of individualism
destroyed. This is not simply the result of a totalitarian regime.
There have been many totalitarian regimes that have aggressively, even
brutally, controlled their citizenry. Upon review, however, most other
recent totalitarian regimes have allowed some measure of private
freedom in the lives of the people if they avoided dissent and did not
threaten the political system. In the case of North Korea, we have no
evidence of underground dissent, as there was in the Samidazat
literature in the Soviet Union, for example. Buddhism and Christianity
have been virtually destroyed as religious institutions in the
country.

On March 31, 2003, the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor released its country report on human rights
practices for North Korea. That report provides an accurate and
balanced description of life inside North Korea today, and I strongly
support its findings.

In order to convey the true horror that is life in North Korea, I
would like to discuss a number of aspects of the North Korean regime
that help explain the extent to which all aspects of life are
controlled and regulated.

The Potemkin Village Syndrome

When discussing the regime's control over the population of North
Korea, many people cite the surveillance and monitoring capability of
the large military and security service apparatus. While it is true
that these organizations have their eyes and ears imbedded throughout
the country, it is not these physical controls that give the regime
its power over the population. The regime in North Korea derives the
vast majority of its influence over the minds and hearts of the people
through its absolute control and manipulation of all information made
available to the local population. By controlling what a person hears,
reads, and sees, one controls what he or she thinks and believes.

In North Korea, all aspects of the media are controlled completely by
the regime. Newspaper, radio, and television reporting are all
centrally managed and convey only the messages that the regime
condones. Radios and televisions in the country are built to receive
only State approved stations, and any attempt to modify a set to
receive foreign broadcasts is a criminal offense. A system of travel
permits modeled after Stalinist Russia restricts the movement of
people outside their villages. Even travel between counties and
provinces by individuals is severely restricted to prevent the
transfer of information between different groups in the country. As an
example of how restricted the travel of North Koreans within their own
country can be, the United Nations World Food Program (WFP) staff have
reported that, on many of their monitoring visits throughout the
country, their handlers reveal that the trip is their first visit
outside the county where they lived.

Today in North Korea, maintaining control of information remains of
paramount concern to the regime. In fact, given the informational
contamination that has been precipitated by the humanitarian crises
over the last eight years, regaining control of the population's
access to information has taken on new importance. Since the mid
1990s, the flow of international food assistance has been accompanied
by international staff who insist on following the food for monitoring
purposes. In addition, beginning in 1997, the United States insisted
on labeling each bag of U.S. food donated to North Korea with the
phrase in Korean "gift of the people of the United States." By some
estimates, there are over 30 million Korean-marked bags circulating
around North Korea. Each visit by a foreign humanitarian monitor and
each food aid bag distributed around the country represent
informational contamination that requires an explanation by the
regime. In the case of the food bags, refugees have reported that the
U.S. food aid is explained as reparations for damages caused during
the war.

It has also been suggested that the aversion of the North Korean
regime to providing greater access and more random monitoring for
humanitarian workers has little to do with military security - which
is the regime's excuse of record. Instead, broader access around the
country and the more random monitoring of humanitarian deliveries are
believed to concern the regime because it would lack the means to
control the flow of information that the expansion of these systems
would induce.

Food Allocation as a System of Control

In North Korea, a "public distribution system," or PDS, was used to
provide both food and many material needs to the majority of the
population. In addition, the PDS was used to promote loyalty to the
regime and prevent or limit the travel of the population. In their
book, North Korea after Kim Il Sung, Henriksen and Mo state that,
"Food ration levels were traditionally determined by a combination of
social rank, the importance of one's profession to the state, and
political status." The ration system promotes loyalty to the regime,
as any misconduct, real or perceived, could result in demotion to a
lower rank of the scale and thus less food for the individual. The
ration system severely regulates the desire of the beneficiaries to
move around the country as the beneficiaries must be present at their
local PDS station to receive rations.

The collapse of the PDS, except for the party elite, capital city,
security apparatus, and the defense industries, has meant that this
means of controlling behavior has declined in importance. The collapse
of the PDS, which the central authorities were unable to reverse, was
finally acknowledged when the authorities announced in 2001 that
people were responsible for feeding themselves (except for the groups
mentioned above).

Since 1995, when the international community began providing food
assistance to North Korea, the needs of the most vulnerable groups -
presumably those among the lower ranks of the food system - have been
the focus of international aid. Unfortunately, there are increasing
reports that the most vulnerable are not receiving the international
assistance despite the best efforts of the international community.

On March 9, 2000, the nongovernmental organization, Action Contre la
Faim (ACF), issued a report explaining its decision to withdraw from
North Korea. ACF had been working in North Korea since January of
1998, attempting to provide humanitarian assistance to the most
vulnerable in the country. One major justification that the
organization cited for closing its program was the regime's denial of
access to the most vulnerable people. The ACF report stated:

"By confining humanitarian organizations to the support of these state
structures that we know are not representative of the real situation
of malnutrition in the country the authorities are deliberately
depriving hundreds of thousands of truly needy Koreans of assistance.
As a consequence any humanitarian assistance provided is only helping
the populations which the regime has chosen to favour and support, and
which are certainly not the most deprived."

Today, the United States is leading the international community in its
efforts to address some of the programmatic deficiencies that
undermine the credibility and effectiveness of the international food
aid activities in North Korea. The UNICEF and WFP-sponsored nutrition
survey in North Korea that was completed in November of 2002 clearly
shows that there are no longer famine conditions in the country. The
survey also shows that, while the nutritional situation has improved
in the country in the aggregate, the improvements are uneven and
focused predominantly in the areas in and around Pyongyang and Nampo.
Both the Pyongyang and Nampo districts have malnutrition rates about
half as high as some of the northern provinces. As a result, current
and future food aid activities will require greater access and
monitoring capabilities to ensure proper targeting and delivery of
food assistance to those most in need.

Healthcare

The healthcare system in North Korea has been in a steep decline since
the beginning of the 1990s. Without the economic support from the
Soviet Union, the ability of the regime to purchase medicines and
maintain the medical infrastructure immediately began to fail. Today,
notwithstanding a relatively well trained staff, the healthcare system
in the country has all but collapsed. Only the elites at the highest
level have access to modern medical care.

Today, the only access that the average North Korean has to modern
medicine is either through the black market or, if extremely lucky,
through international assistance programs. Generally, herbal or
traditional medicines are used by the average North Korean, unless
they have the financial capability to purchase the needed medicines
from the black market.

Following visits to hospitals in North Korea, international aid
workers have reported that even the larger regional hospitals have no
regular electricity, little or no medicines, and no functioning modern
medical equipment. Smaller hospitals are even less equipped. Only
those medical facilities that receive direct assistance from
international aid agencies can be expected to have any resources to
address the medical needs of the local population.

As a result of the almost total lack of modern healthcare and poor
water and sanitation systems in North Korea, the country is a breeding
ground for communicable diseases. Currently, tuberculosis, malaria,
and hepatitis B are considered to be endemic to the country, and other
diseases if introduced into the country could have a devastating
effect on the population. In particular, the possibility is great that
SARS will enter the country through the porous border with China. The
regime is making strenuous efforts to restrict the movement of people
into the capitol city via air, including a 10-day quarantine for every
traveler to Pyongyang. However, similar measures are not being
undertaken at land crossings. If the disease takes hold, the impact
would be tremendous.

Concentration/Re-education camps

The regime in North Korea operates approximately ten concentration or
"re-education" camps for political prisoners. The Far Eastern Economic
Review has published satellite photographs of one camp that is
estimated to hold as many as 50,000 people. The ten camps are
estimated to hold between 200,000 to 250,000 prisoners in total. The
regime uses the camps to punish anyone who fails to adhere strictly
and completely to every "law," but arrest and confinement can come at
any time with no explanation. In some reports, people have been
arrested and detained for years for failing to show appropriate
respect to the "Great Leader" or the "Dear Leader." In other cases,
entire families have been arrested because flaws have been found in
their family history.

The camps differ in that each serves a specific type of prisoner
generally ranging from those considered "redeemable" to those who are
"expendable." Those who are redeemable are often released after a
number of years of hard labor and re-education. Expendable prisoners
are never expected to leave the camp and usually die of malnutrition,
exhaustion, and abuse. Two recent books provide graphic explanations
of deplorable conditions in the more "lenient" re-education camps:
Aquariums of Pyongyang by Kang chol-Hwan and Eyes of Tailless Animals
by Soon Ok Lee. Torture is wide-spread along with gradual starvation
from the minimal food rations.

Attempts at Economic Reforms

In June of 2002, the regime in North Korea introduced a number of
economic reforms. These reforms, which included raising the prices of
staple food commodities, increasing wage rates, and devaluing the Won,
were apparently intended to stimulate the agricultural sector and
promote increased industrial productivity.

Unfortunately, the reforms instituted by the regime in North Korea
have not improved the economic situation in the country. As Bradley O.
Babson stated in his report, Economic Cooperation on the Korean
Peninsula, "the reforms are not sufficient to assure a turnaround in
DPRK's economic crisis and even add new risks, particularly the risk
of inflation." While the risk of inflation as a result of the reforms
is significant, the humanitarian community is more concerned about the
large segments of the population who have seen their ability to
support themselves decline or disappear. As the World Food Program
points out in its 2002 report on its operations in North Korea,
"Surplus labour created by a reform-induced drive for industries to
become more efficient is supposed to be redeployed by the state and
continue receiving a salary. However,...there may be insufficient
capacity to absorb a potentially significant labor force." Recent
reports indicate that unemployment and underemployment particularly in
the northeastern parts of the country are a significant and growing
problem. Obviously the unemployed do not receive a salary and
therefore are incapable of taking advantage of any "improvements" in
food availability. In addition, the agricultural system remains mired
in the collective farms, and thus higher food prices have not resulted
in increased food production.

Mr. Chairman, it is astonishing to me that the international
humanitarian and human rights community, which has been so outspoken
in its condemnation of human right violations in countries like Burma
and Sudan, has been so late in acknowledging the reality of life in
North Korea and the nature of the regime. The President has reversed
this relative international silence on what the North Korean regime is
really about in his many comments on North Korea and through the
aggressive reporting of the State Department (Democracy, Human Rights
and Labor Bureau reports).

We will continue our efforts at every opportunity to publicize the
true nature of the North Korean government and, through our
humanitarian programs, to effectively and transparently address the
most urgent needs of the people. Since 1995, our humanitarian programs
have provided almost two million tons of food aid to North Korea,
valued at approximately $650 million.

Mr. Chairman, this concludes my testimony. I would be pleased to
answer any questions the committee may have.

(end text)

(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)