29 October 2003. See related:
http://cryptome.org/fru-hayward.htm
28 October 2003. Add e-mail exchange on alleged photograph of Simon Hayward. And, a Northern Ireland-knowledgeable journalist writes:
"I'm afraid somebody has sent you the biggest load of bullocks since BSE wiped out the national herd. Looks like MoD nonsense to be honest."
27 October 2003. Related: http://cryptome.org/fru-hayward.htm
26 October 2003. Comments on these charges invited. Send to jya@pipeline.com
Related: http://cryptome.org/ira-mugs.htm
26 October 2003, 12:38 PM
Dear Mr. Young,
Since it is most difficult for me to determine when you are serious, and when you are just engaging in more "amateur bullshitting" - especially in light of your call for naming CIA agents, and when I started doing so, you simply dropped the whole project - I shall do what I can to answer your questions about 'Steak Knife' aka Padraic Wilson and DOOK, and 'Martin Ingram' aka Captain Simon Hayward and Captain James Rennie in the hope that you are serious about the matter. As for pictures of them, and others, especially the PIRA A List, I can tell you where you can find them for publication.
Wilson and Hayward were the two most important operatives in Britain's counterterrorist network in N. I. during the '80s and into the '90s. Wilson had been recruited as a spy for the Mobile Research Unit after the PIRA assassinated three Scottish soldiers on pass in the early '70s, and by the '80s he was deeply involved with MI6 in trying to stop Libyan arms shipments for 'tet offensives' by the Provisionsals, especially the Eksund in 1987.
Hayward, a member of the Life Guards, was called upon by Prime Minister Thatcher to carry out revenge kills in response for the nail bombs the PIRA set off in Hyde Park in July 1982, killing four of his colleagues, and seven of their horses. The consequence was Hayward-led, reinforced RUC headquarters mobile support units (HMSUs) carrying out the infamous Shoot-to-Kill murders of unarmed volunteers in South Armagh which Manchester Police's John Stalker was asked to investigate two years later.
While Wilson's and Hayward's paths crossed a few times later as they tried to stop the Libyan arms for the SIS and MI5 respectively, they only confronted each other in February 1987 in Ibiza when the Stalker Inquiry was in its crucial stages. By this time, Wilson had learned that Hayward was no better than the Provisionals who had caused him to become a British spy in the first place, having heard from IRA prisoners of all his brutal, unnecessary assassinations from the MI5's Michael Bettaney while on remand in Brixton Prison for trying to spy for the Soviets. They now also included those of Francis Bradley in Febraury 1986, and Seamus McElwaine a few months later, but also quite probably that of Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme on February 28, 1986.
Wilson connived with his handler Captain Margaret Walshaw aka 'Mags', and Hayward's brother Christopher, apparently the SIS agent fearing that his brother would be murdered otherwise, to see that Simon was set up on a drug smuggling charge in Sweden, setting off a most bitter struggle between the mole and the Guards officer in which London officialdom sided definitely with Wilson to insure capture of the Eksund, and the SAS cull of Jim Lynagh's ASU at Loughgall. Hayward, after his release from prison in September 1989, was so bitter about the latter that he talked endlessly, especially to Mark Urban, about it, comparing it to the Shoot-to-Kill murders.
Crunch-time for Hayward and Wilson came when the former's conviction was being reviewed on appeal in Stockholm in October 1987, its success depending on whether Hayward could destroy Wilson's pretended innocence in the set up. The UDA's John McMichael, probably at Hayward's instigation, tried to assassinate Wilson while the appeal was in recess on Octobert 9th, but Walshaw arranged that Brian Nelson redirected the murder squad to kill Francisco Notarantonio instead. Then Walshaw aka Heather Weissand supplied the Swedish prosecution with testimony that there was nothing in Hayward's claims about DOOK, insuring his incarceration.
Since then Hayward and the FRU have been in an increasingly bitter struggle, though it took the latter awhile to figure out just how deep his bitterness was. If you want to see it all spelled out, read his Under Fire: My Own Story from cover to cover.
If you want to see what lengths the British establishment went to to pacify him, read Captain James Rennie's The Operators, especially the convolved, contradictory tales that Rennie weaves about this being his real name despite official policy, and his having no trouble converting to being right handed, though he said that he was naturally left handed, and the change made him cackhanded. (p. 90) Hayward has had trouble with his right hand ever since he lost joints on his middle and ring fingers of his right hand in an accident in Cyprus.
When Tony Geraghty doubted Rennie was really the operator's real name, and put a picture of Hayward on the back of the dustjacket for The Irish War, he was subjected to all kinds of diffulties by the MoD, the Attorney General, and the D-Notice Committee, though his book was finally reprinted in paper with everything the same except for the removal of Hayward's mug shot on the back. [See below.]
To establish that 'Martin Ingram' is just another guise for Hayward, spinning more false stories, read his articles, starting with "Who guards the guards?" in the Andersonstown News in January 2001, and culminating in the piece ,"Ex-spy handler fears for Stakeknife's life," in The Guardian this past May, especially his distinguishing between 'Stakeknife' and 'Steakknife', and what should happen to them.
Pictures of Hayward can be found on the dustcover of his autobiography, and inside, while there are two photographs of Padraic Wilson illustrating the BBC story "IRA man's tribute to politicians" which appeared on the Internet on December 17, 1999.
The likely composition of the PIRA's Army Council is McGuinness, Wilson, Danny Morrison, Gerry Kelly, Mitchel McLaughlin, Brian Kennan, Joe Cahill, Pat Doherty, and John Kelly. Their photographs, and those of the others on my mugs list, are readily available.
Until I hear more from you, I shall write no more.
Sincerely yours,
[A.]
25 October 2003, 4:21 PM
Dear A.,
Your charges are most interesting. Could you verify and document those involving the real Steak Knife, Martin Ingram and Captains Hayward and Rennie?
While the names of most leaders are well known, the true names of covert agents and their undercover roles are not and we would like to make those public along with substantiating documentation.
And we would appreciate seeing official mug shots of the leaders you name, in particular those on your List A.
Thanks very much,
John Young
25 October 2003, 11:16 AM
Dear Mr. Young,
Since your publication of mug shots of members of the Irish Republican Army left out the leadership, List A, helping result in the Northern Ireland peace process falling into political limbo, I suggest you print the mug shots of the mugs most responsible:
(1) Prime Minister Tony Blair for not only not clearing up the confusions about who is really running the Provisionals, and for what purpose, but also for failing to appoint a truth and reconciliation commission to clear up the general mayhem of the 'dirty war', and individual judicial inquiries to solve the most brutal, unnecessary assassinations, like those of solicitors Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson, in light of the Cory Report.
(2) Taoiseach Bertie Ahern for pushing for a rapid restoration of devolved government at Stormont while failing to answer the most serious questions about the Republic colluding with Britain's covert operators in getting rid of the most hardline member of the PIRA's Army Council.
(3) List A of the Provisionals to show where Republicans like Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness, and Padraic Wilson really are, so we can know if its war is really over.
(4) Secretary of State Paul Murphy merely wringing his hands about all The Troubles while his boss was colluding with Washington and Tel Aviv to fight the illegal, unnecessary war to oust Saddam Hussein from Iraq rather than resolve the outstanding issues.
(5) Attorney General Lord Goldsmith who raised no red flags about pushing ahead with the peace process when all the skeletons of Britain's covert operations, starting with the revenge assassinations going back thirty years, still risked being exposed.
(6) Former Attorney General Sir Patrick Mayhew who always put a higher priority in conducting selected assassinations rather than stopping terrorism, and enforcing the law.
(7) Former Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher who preferred to deal with counterterrorists to finisih off the PIRA, and then with these same terrorists to achieve peace rather than pursue a reasonable course throughout.
(8) Foreign Foreign Secretary Sir Geoffrey Howe who was willing to slavishly follow Thatcher's U-turns until the Provisionsals assassinated Ian Gow, one of her closest friends, while she was now seeking peace with them.
(9) Former SoD George Younger who similarly followed the 'Iron Lady' until he too could no longer stomach it.
(10) Former Field Research Unilt head Brigardier Gordon Kerr who always put a higher priority on protecting underlings, especially Brian Nelson, rather than conducting a reasonable course in counterterrorism.
(11) The real 'Steak Knife', not his stand-in 'Stake Knife' aka Freddie Scappaticci, who pursued such a checkered career with the Provisionsals and the FRU that he lengthened the peace process by at least a decade.
(12) SAS NCO 'Martin Ingram' aka Captain Simon Hayward and Captain James Rennie whose contemporary, contradictory course added more years to what 'Steak Knife' was accomplishing.
Little wonder, with companions like this, that Unionist David Trimble too, with his more hardline colleagues barking at his heels, is looking for excuses to postpone acknowledging that the war is really over.
Sincerely yours,
You Know Who
To: A.
10/27/03
I've got a copy of Geraghty's "The Irish War" with dustjacket showing two British soldiers, one on the front and one on the back, the soldier on the front being eyed by a woman peering from a window. The soldier on the back is holding a weapon.
Is this the dustjacket banned by MOD for showing Hayward? If so, is he the soldier on the front or the back?
Or can you point me to a story about the dustjacket banning?
Thanks,
John
From: A.
10/28/03
Just got your e-mail.
Hayward is the soldier on the back of the dustjacket. You can tell that it is he not only by the face but also by the shortened middle and ring fingers on his right hand - the telltale signs of him no matter what anyone does with his name and face. It was why the Saville Commission was obliged to take unprecedented steps to protect 'Martin Ingram's identity when he testified before it awhile ago.
As for the removal of Hayward's photo when the book was reprinted in paperback, I had long been complaining about his activities, and current whereabouts to Prime Minister Blair, the Home Office's D. B. Payne of the Organised and International Crime Directorate, and Admiral Nick Wilkinson, the D-Notice Committee's Secretary, before the book appeared, but, of course, without any result. Right after the MoD's Military Police raided Geraghty's house in December 1998, I said to them that it was because of his use of Hayward. I even wondered if Wilkinson would prevent the photo from appearing if, and when the book was ever republished.
Well, it just so happens that what is on the back of the dustjacket for the hardback edition of any book disappears when it in reprinted in paper. So, the usual editorial decision, as Kate Johnson at HarperCollins who doing it explained, excused Wilkinson from having to take any steps I had in mind about the matter.
Only a conspiracy theorist would wonder, though, why the photograph was cut in half in the first place, putting what would normally be on the front on the back, and the reverse. In addition, he would wonder why the Attorney General went ahead then with prosecuting Geraghty for improper use of secret government information, only to have fellow journalist Duncan Campbell document at his trial that it was no such thing.
I can say fairly confidently, though, that without my intervention, I believe Geraghty's book would have been reprinted without Captain James Rennie's name being in quotation marks too. (p. 141) They knew that I would spot it if they did.
In sum, I know that Geraghty's treatment of Hayward, right after 'Martin Ingram' had started talking so freely with reporters from The Times in November 1998, was why all the raids occurred, and the British government went to such laborious, devious ends to hide the fact.
Sincerely, [A.]