The White Patriot Party Proudly Presents...

A White Man Speaks Out

The former leader of the largest active
White Rights Group in the United States,
Speaks out for White America.

...by F.Glenn Miller

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Chapter 7:
Running For Governor

I ran for governor of North Carolina in the Democratic primary election of 1984. Running for governor provided a multitude of ways to further the CKKKK. I was invited along with the other candidates to speak before dozens of special interest groups. I was invited to appear on television programs and radio talk shows. And, I was interviewed by dozens of newspaper and TV reporters who asked where I stood on political and racial issues.

Those same opportunities were also provided to Steve Miller, who ran for lieutenant governor, and we took advantage of all of them to the maximum extent possible.

I showed up at one "Meet the Candidate" forum in a town in northeast North Carolina, wearing a holstered pistol. Due to the increased publicity and death threats, I had grown a little more paranoid than usual, so I diddy-bopped into the school auditorium where they were holding the forum, and started shaking hands with my pistol dangling by my side, and, it was 30 minutes or so before a local policeman spotted me, and after recognizing who I was, he politely asked me to take my gun back to my car, that it was his job to protect the candidates.

The next day headlines of that town's newspaper said, "Candidates for Governor Show Up At School Auditorium, One Toting a Pistol," which I thought was amusing and got a big kick out of.

Later, after I had presented a five or six minute speech to a couple hundred members of the North Carolina Press Association at a country club in Southern Pines, Sam Ragan, a well-known ultra-liberal editor from that area stood up during the question and answer period, and whined "But, where are all the moderate candidates, aren't there any moderate candidates this year?"

I motioned to the moderator that I wished to field that question, and he nodded for me to go ahead, and I said, "Mr. Ragan, a moderate is the same as a middle-of-the-roader, and the only things in the middle of the road, are dead skunks and yellow streaks."

The crowd roared with laughter, and I felt pleased with myself.

Actually, I had gotten that one-liner from U.S. Senator Jesse Helms, who had been quoted in some newspaper as having made it.

There were about five or six other candidates on the stage in addition to myself, and we all gave speeches and answered eight or ten questions each from the audience. I thought I did well in expressing myself, and Steve who accompanied me that day, met me as I came off the stage with a big grin, and said "You aced it."

Steve had passed out a big stack of The White Carolinian newspapers while I was on the stage.

One middle-aged reporter called me aside and asked if I'd be willing to throw my support to one of the other candidates in return for concessions, if I decided I couldn't win the election myself, and I told him that I was open to any and all propositions.

That reporter obviously thought I was going to get a lot of votes, and his question brightened my day considerably, as I kind of floated out of the building, head bigger and higher than usual, and giggling with Steve along the way back to my car.

I was also invited to speak on a Black college campus, during that election campaign. The college chancellor of Fayetteville State University sent me a written invitation, as he did to the other candidates, asking me to speak for one hour on the university radio station. I'm sure, however, the chancellor didn't expect me to accept, but I did.

By then my face was known all over North Carolina, and especially by Blacks, so I was somewhat hesitant about going, but being the fanatical hard-charging candidate I was, I wasn't going to pass up a vote-getting opportunity, even when the voters happened to be Black.

I was confident I could think of something to say that would appeal to some of them, anyway, such as the advantages of self-rule for Blacks and the right of Blacks to control their own destiny free from the White majority, etc. I figured the college militants, especially those of the Black Muslim faith, might be receptive to the idea of voting for a Klansman for governor. And, besides, the radio broadcast could be heard by Fayetteville 's White population, as well as the Black.

And so, with all things considered, I talked myself into going, driving, alone the 50 miles in my little ten-year-old 4-cylinder pickup truck, but treating myself to three courage-building Natural Lite beers along the way.

Arriving on the university campus, I was greeted by a crowd of about 300 students, all Black, and five or six big fat Fayetteville police officers, also all Black. The only White face I saw, was that of a small female reporter, who looked as concerned about the volatile situation, as I did.

The students began to chant as I opened my door, "Klan go home! Klan go home! Klan go home!"

The Black police officers tried to escort me through the crowd of students into the building containing the WFSS radio station, but were unable to because the students refused to move out of our way. Some even laid down to block our path.

The chants were getting louder, and one could almost smell the aroma of hate and violence, so seeing that I couldn't get through anyway, I turned around and headed back to my truck, got in and drove away.

After leaving the campus, I drove straight to a tavern on Fort Bragg Road, familiar to me and owned by a retired Army buddy of mine, Tom Louk, and called the local TV and newspaper offices. In twenty minutes they arrived at the tavern, After telling what had happened, I said that I was going to sue the university, and furthermore I was coming back with 500 armed Klansmen and speak over that radio station whether the Blacks liked it or not. Also, I said it only goes to show that Blacks don't believe in freedom of speech, and that now we all know why democracy doesn't work in Africa. I went on and on.

Predictably, the story generated much media coverage all over the state, especially the part about 500 armed Klansmen. Of course, I let the cooler side of my head prevail, and announced later that in the interest of law and order and peace, I had decided not to take armed Klansmen onto that Black college campus. And besides, the school chancellor had phoned and not only apologized, but arranged for me to speak over WFSS, but from a different location than Fayetteville State University.

About a month after the incident, I spoke over WFSS for a whole hour, from the Fayetteville Times newspaper building, where the broadcast equipment had been moved, solely for my benefit.

I went on to give dozens of speeches during the 1984 governor's race, all over the state.

The following is a two minute speech I gave on April 12 in Ovens Auditorium in Charlotte before the Central Piedmont Employers Association, a special interest group which sponsored this particular "Meet the Candidates" forum. This speech, though much shorter than most, is representative:

"Folks, I want to be your next governor, because I am the only candidate who will work in the true interests of the White majority. All the others are begging for the Black vote and promising more and more Black rights and special privileges. But not one of them will even utter the works "White Vote," or "White Rights."

We don't need more politicians. We need some courageous White men and women who will take a stand against the outrages being committed against White Southern People, by conspiring Jews, unreasonable minorities, and White race-traitors in the federal government.

Our state and our nation is sick from immorality, homosexuality, drugs, race-mixing, pornography, minority crime, and other social diseases. The other candidates won't even talk about these issues, much less actually do anything about them.

I am well qualified to be your next governor. I served 20 years in the U.S. Army, having retired in 1979 in the rank of Master Sergeant. I served two years in Vietnam fighting against Communism, and I served 13 years in the Green Beret paratroopers. I've led men in combat. I know I can lead bureaucrats in Raleigh. I have fifteen and a half years of formal education, and above all I have the courage to combat the outrageous insanities being committed against our People.

I've been the leader of the Carolina Knights of the Ku Klux Klan for over three years. You've got to admit, it takes guts to put on a sheet and run for governor.

Simply mathematics and good eyesight proves there is no decent future ahead for ourselves, our children, or for future White generations unless we act now.

American nor North Carolina is ruled in the interest of White People. America is no longer a democracy ruled in the interests of the White majority. America today, is a socialist tyranny ruled in the interest of minorities. Only blind fools, apathetic cowards, and deliberate liars refuse to admit it.

Let's say no to the politicians, the scalawags, the race-traitors, and those who have turned their backs on Southern White People.

By God, let's send them a message that Southern People are fed up.

Vote White. Vote for Glenn Miller for governor and for Stephen Miller for Lieutenant governor.

God bless you, and thank you very much."

The reader will notice that the word "Nigger" or other racial slur words were not used in the speech. I virtually never used racial slurs when addressing the media and non-Klanspeople. However, when speaking before Klanspeople, even at public demonstrations, I did.

The nine Klansmen and Nazis, who stood trial for the deaths of five Communists in Greensboro in November 1979, were all found innocent of all charges again in May 1984, after going through trials by both the state and the federal government. These men, I felt, had suffered four and a half years of judicial tyranny for charges none of them were guilty of. Both juries decided they had acted purely in self-defense.

The headline of the May 1984 edition of The White Carolinian read, "NOT GUILTY AGAIN... KLANSMEN ACQUITTED." And, I devoted the whole page to that story.

I also held a press conference in Raleigh and announced the CKKKK demand that the Communists be tried next. I stated that since five people were dead, and since two separate juries had ruled that none of the Klansmen or Nazis were responsible, that only left the Communists, so therefore, the Communists must be held responsible and tried in a court of law, just as had the Klansmen and Nazis.

The authorities obviously did not agree with my deductive reasoning or pretended they didn't, because no Communist was ever charged with anything. But my highly publicized press conference made good reading for my members, supporters, and redneck rooters around the state and elsewhere.

All the anti-Klan groups whined to the press, saying that the acquittals would give North Carolina Klans "the right to kill." This ridiculous assertion was typical of anti-Klan groups, who I felt were Communist front groups, trying to gain favor with minorities, by attacking us in the press.

Several media reporters asked me if the acquittals didn't prove that the system works for everybody, even Klansmen. I responded by saying, "On the contrary, the system tried to crucify the Klansmen, not once, but twice. It wasn't the system that saved them, it was the White juries that saved them."

1984 was a good year for the CKKKK in terms of increased membership, activities, and media coverage, and although the Dees lawsuit hounded and worried me sick at times, I didn't let the members know it, and assured them we'd win it in the end.

Morris Dees had placed his reputation on the line, and that of the Southern Poverty Law Center when he filed that lawsuit to shut Glenn Miller up, and he wasn't going to disappoint his ultra-liberal admirers and financial backers by failure, no matter what he had to use to win, including lying jailhouse witnesses.

CKKKK crime patrols were another activity used to attract media attention and pacify members in 1984 and 1985.

One day in April 1984, I read in the local papers that a Black adult male had been arrested for being in a little girl's bathroom at a Sanford elementary school. This incident coming on the heels of the rape by a Black man of a 11-year-old White girl, had generated much concern among White Sanford residents, and was receiving a lot of media attention.

This was also a highly discussed topic at our meetings in the Sanford area.

Sanford Den leader, Rickey Nunnery, who had 50 or 60 members and who had held many meetings and rallies at his home prior to that, asked me what could be done about the problem, and I decided on the CKKKK crime patrols.

So, April 7, I rounded up about thirty local members and held a press conference in front of the Sanford Police Department. In addition to calling for better police protection for White people, I issued an ultimatum to the Lee County Board of Education. I said that if they did not hire a security guard for McIver school, the school where the Black man had been arrested, that the CKKKK would begin armed security patrols in that school area the following Monday morning to protect White school children. And further, I was calling for a one day boycott of McIver school on that day to get our point across and to show that the CKKKK had a lot of local White support.

My press conference was reported extensively over TV, radio, and newspapers, and the school board held a special meeting, after which they announced the hiring of a security guard for McIver School, but adding that it was not because of Klan threats, but because it was the right thing to do.

The boycott was somewhat successful. The normal absentee rate that Monday was doubled, according to The Sanford Herald newspaper. That paper quoted William Johnson, the school superintendent as saying that he didn't know whether students stayed home because the Klan had urged White parents to keep their children at home, or because the parents were concerned about the Klan's presence.

This CKKKK threat scared North Carolina Blacks, or rather the media's reporting of it did, and it prompted Frances Cummings, the Black president of the N.C. Association of Educators, to hold a press conference and state the following, "I am calling on Sanford law officials to take all possible measures to keep vigilantes off the school grounds and to protect the children and teachers at McIver school and all other schools from harm by intruders." Her comment is taken from the April 13, 1984 edition of the Greensboro News & Record.

One Black female school teacher who obviously had taken our threat very seriously, went so far as to conduct practice maneuvers by having the children get under their desks on her signal, similar to air raid drills of World War II.

I used yet another scare tactic on folk singer Pete Seeger in 1984.

I had decided that Pete Seeger was a Communist, and upon reading in the papers that he had scheduled a concert at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, I telephoned several media offices, including Associated Press and United Press International, and announced that the CKKKK would show up at that concert in force and stage an anti-Communist demonstration.

I really had no intention of doing so, because I knew that mixing Klansmen and liberal college students would create a high risk of violence. My purpose was to gain publicity and cut down on attendance at the concert. Many students planning to attend would change their minds after hearing there might be a violent Klan demonstration.

In any case, I was convinced my threat had worked when I read later that only a few hundred students had shown up for the concert, when thousands had been predicted.

Of course, I informed inquiring reporters after the concert was over, that I had decided to cancel the CKKKK demonstration at the last minute. I stated the reason was that CKKKK intelligence agents had revealed a high likelihood of attack by leftist students and, being the nonviolent person I was, I had to do what I could to prevent that violence, so I had canceled the demonstration to show the public I was against violence, etc., etc.

I used this media-attention-getting tactic many times over the years.

Just prior to the annual "Greensboro Sit in" commemoration held each year at the Greensboro restaurant where Black students back in the 1960's had held their historical lunch counter sit-in to protest segregation, I called the media and announced the CKKKK would also be at that restaurant during the commemoration, to, as I phrased it, "ram integration down their throats." I further stated that since these Blacks loved integration so much, I wanted to see how much they liked integrating with us.

My announcement was, as usual, highly covered by the media, and again I seemed to have succeeded in reducing attendance at events which I opposed. Only a dozen or so Blacks, mostly elderly NAACP types showed up.

Of course, I canceled out at the last minute as I had with the Pete Seeger concert, explaining to the media this time that I had decided a Klan presence ran too high a risk of violence at that particular Black event.

I held several CKKKK demonstrations in 1984, as in other years, to protest this or that, and to gain campaign publicity and new members. And, I gave somewhat revolutionary speeches for the benefit of all, as did Steve and other CKKKK speakers.

One such demonstration was held April 28, 1984, on the steps of the legislature building in downtown Raleigh, with 25 or 30 camouflage-unformed men holding large Confederate battle flags mounted on eleven-foot flag poles, to add a little color and drama for the expected TV audience and reporter photographers.

I prefaced my speech with, "This is my call for the spirit of Southern Nationalism to rise up." And, to better the chances of broad media coverage, I explained that this demonstration was also part of my campaign efforts to get elected governor that year.

The following is the speech I gave that day:

"I hereby state the only lasting solution to the critical problems facing White people. That solution, White brothers and sisters, is the Iron Broom of Southern Nationalism. These critical problems are: race-mixing, abortions, homosexuality, venereal diseases, violent crime, organized crime, corrupt politicians, non-White immigration, child abuse, school integration, pornography, the drug epidemic among our young people, and the absence of prayer and the Holy Bible in our public schools.

As the next governor of North Carolina, I will form a White Christian army of 100,000. This White Christian army will wear uniforms and they will be armed, And, they will come under my supervision, as governor of North Carolina. Our banner will be the glorious flag of the Confederacy — the Southern Battle Flag.

We will restore Southern honor, pride, chivalry, valor, decency, and morality. We will instill, within our people, the spirit of Southern Nationalism. This spirit will engulf North Carolina and then spread like wildfire throughout our Southland.

We will organize thousands of White youth, and we will send them throughout the South to spread the spirit of Southern Nationalism and Southern pride. Southern Nationalism is the idea whose time has truly come. It will be the wave of the future. Southern Nationalism will restore within our people, pride in their forefathers, their great Southern history, culture, heritage and in themselves. Southern Extremism in the pursuit of freedom, liberty, justice and racial survival is no vice.

I ask the people of North Carolina for four years. Southern Nationalism will solve all the major problems of our people during this period. Within just four years, there will be such tremendous Southern unity, Southern determination, and Southern Power, that we can demand the federal socialistic dictators in Washington, D.C. get off our backs. We will tell them we want our freedoms and liberties back. And, they will sink back in cowardly terror of the wrath of the awakened White Southern people.

I call for the unification of White Southern people under the spirit of Southern Nationalism and under the glorious Southern Battle flag. Together, we will swing the iron broom of Southern Nationalism. And, then the degenerates, the dope pushers, the pornography smut dealers, the Communists, the baby killers, and all the other anti-White, anti-Christian scalawags will flee from our land. And, then there will be peace, unity, morality, and prosperity throughout our Southland.

We will create with our White fists, a decent and moral future for our people. And, we will create a future in which our children, their children, and future generations of our beloved people, can say truthfully, unashamedly, and from their hearts... This is my land, this is my people, and this we will defend…

If you agree with me, say 'White Power!'"

The 25 or 30 Klansmen then yelled "White Power!" three times, ending my speech.

Southern Nationalism had always been attractive to me, and I used the idea as a means to promote pride and dedication among our members, so they'd work harder.

I'd always felt that other White racist groups lacked the one big ingredient that would arouse the emotions of the masses necessary to bringing them into an organization. And, I felt the missing ingredient could be Southern Nationalism.

It was just not enough, I felt, to educate the masses through literature. Even if a group succeeded in educating the masses, they still wouldn't join. Their minds wouldn't lead them in, but their emotions, I felt, might.

While other groups devoted their publications to doom-and-gloom articles about racial problems, I would add a little joy and humor. We would be a happy Klan with happy warriors, I concluded. And, I filled my newspaper, The White Carolinian, with humorous racial stories and cartoons, as well as with "atta-boy" reports, and of course, with racial, political, and social propaganda.

Each edition would contain, for example, a Klansman-of-the-Month report, and reports covering individual as well as group activities, ranging from credit for passing out newspapers, to holding a pig pickin' to raise money. I'd list their names and locations, along with brief descriptions of what they'd done to help the CKKKK grow. And, in some cases, such as being selected Klansman-of-the-Month, I'd present the individual with a handsome Certificate of Merit Award suitable for framing.

We grew so big and active that by 1986 I was selecting five or six Klanspeople of the month. And, those selected were highly worthy of selection because of all the hard work they'd provided the CKKKK.

My "atta-boy" reporting did wonders to motivate members even into trying to outdo each other, and den leaders as well as individuals competed for write-ups in The White Carolinian, by conducting more and more literature distribution drives, recruiting drives, holding meetings and rallies, raising money through yard sales and cake-bakes, and other activities.

Eventually, our activities became so numerous, I could hardly keep up with all of them, as they reached me through written reports from den leaders, phone calls, or by word of mouth.

The heading of our newspaper contained, among other things, the following in large letters: "Monthly newspaper published by and for the Courageous and Dedicated Men and Women of the Carolina Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, A SPECIAL BREED OF WHITE PEOPLE," and in early 1985 I would add, "DEDICATED TO THE CREATION OF A MIGHTY WHITE SOUTHERN NATION," clearly revealing my plan of eventual succession from the Union.

I tried to construct our newspaper to instill pride and dedication, so members would be enthusiastic in their work, but also and more important, to attract the masses with the same pride. I appealed to their emotions.

Our newspaper alone was printed and distributed to the masses in about 750,000 copies from 1982 to July 1986, and since I assumed about four people read each copy distributed on average, then we reached about three million people with our newspaper. This is my own estimate, but I am convinced it's a realistic one. And, we purchased and distributed tens of thousands of publications from other White groups, mostly the Thunderbolt newspaper, published by the National States Rights Party.

I used to fill feed sacks full of White Carolinian newspapers, haul them down to the Greyhound bus station in Dunn, and mail them by bus to people all over the country, for further distribution to the masses, many times, ten or twelve sacks full in a months time. And, I mailed bulk shipments through U.S. Postal services.

At our peak in 1986, we had a total of 28 telephone message units operating throughout North Carolina and in four other southern states, each of which received an average of 5,000 calls per month.

This, plus the mass media coverage proved clearly that we were getting my views to a hell of a lot of people.

It was this demonstrated ability and fact, which far more than anything else, caused Morris Dees, and the U.S. Justice Department to begin their investigations of myself and the CKKKK.

They were far more disturbed about what I said, than in anything I ever did.

I printed one edition of The White Carolinian in 100,000 copies, and when they were loaded onto a large flatbed truck, they covered an area twenty feet long, six feet across and five feet high. I photographed that stack of White Carolinians and showed it off in my next edition.

I may have failed in the "uniting and organizing" part of my plan, but I sure as hell succeeded in the "educating" part. Millions read or heard my views.

Each newspaper contained my address and phone number, as did the recorded messages themselves, so the masses at least knew how to contact us.

Neither the rednecks nor any other Whites in North Carolina could continue the alibi, "Hell, I would join the Klan, but I don't know how to get hold of them."

I made them put up or shut up; to join the Klan, or quit complaining about the Blacks. Unfortunately for me and the CKKKK however, few chose the former.

Back to the governor's race.

The CKKKK held several marches and rallies during the campaign, to promote White voter registration and to voice our views. And, marchers carried large signs reading, "VOTE WHITE… GLENN MILLER FOR GOVERNOR," as well as Confederate flags.

I continued to loudly accuse the media of "silencing me to death," and they tried to discredit my accusation by giving me even more coverage, which was my objective in the first place.

One of my main campaign promises was that, when elected, I would form a 100,000-man armed Citizens Militia to combat crime and drugs and to prevent Communists from taking over the country.

Other promises included: Flying the Confederate flag on all government buildings; a state holiday to celebrate the birthday of Robert E. Lee; stop affirmative action programs in the state; to contribute my salary to charity; segregate public schools; expose Jewish control of the mass media; and, other promises which fit my racial and political agenda.

I referred to the other candidates as "race-traitor scalawags who had turned their backs on Southern White people," and who were all afraid to even utter the words "White rights," much less work for it.

To obtain even more media coverage, I held a press conference inside the building of the governor's office and informed TV and newspaper reporters that I was so confident of winning the election, that I had come to inspect the governor's furniture to see if it would clash with our camouflage uniforms.

In another instance, I threatened to stage Klan demonstrations at campaign rallies held in the state on behalf of Black presidential candidate Jesse Jackson.

The campaign was an incredibly busy period for both Steve and I. We crossed the state back and forth appearing on TV and radio programs, and giving speeches before special interest groups. This was in addition to our duties with the CKKKK, which we did not neglect. And dozens of reporters interviewed us for articles in their newspapers or on TV programs.

I also took advantage of the campaign by writing frequent letters to editors of newspapers, xeroxing them, and mailing them to 30 or 40 North Carolina newspapers. Since I was a bona fide candidate for governor, they were more obliged to print them and most did.

My middle son Jesse's third grade class held a mock election, and I came in second place in the eight-candidate field, which lifted my spirits and made him proud.

Frankly though, I did feel I would get between 50,000 and 100,000 votes because I believed there were at least that many registered White racist voters in the state.

The election was held on May 8, 1984, and when the votes were counted and reported, I found I'd only received a little over 5,000 votes. And even though I'd beaten two of the eight candidates, I was demoralized. It was not only a big disappointment, it hurt my pride, as well. I stuck my chin up, however, and refused to allow the rejection to adversely effect the CKKKK. Fearing the impact on members and supporters might cause them to quit, I made jokes and explained that White racists just weren't registered to vote, and that's why I got so few votes.

Prior to the election, I had been under the misguided illusion that there were tens-of-thousands, if not hundreds-of-thousands of fed up White people who would jump at the chance to vote for an openly White racist candidate. And the only reason they hadn't in the recent past was because no White racists had run for office.

The campaign brought in more members and supporters,

though, and it provided constructive activities for the CKKKK.

So, I pointed this out to members and continued on with my real objective of "uniting, organizing, and educating the White masses."

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