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[This version: 6 August 1993]
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TIBET: Proving Truth from Facts
June 1993

Department of Information and International Relations
Central Tibetan Administration
Gangchen Kyishong, Dharamasala 176 215 INDIA

[This document has been made available for electronic archiving and world-wide
networked access by the Tibet Information Office for Australia, New Zealand and
South East Asia, 3 Weld Street, Yarralumla, ACT 2600, Australia. Telephone
(61-6) 285 4046 or (61-6) 282 4306 Fax (61-6) 282 4301]

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

INTRODUCTION  
As the international community takes an increasingly keen
interest in the question of Tibet, the demand for information grows. The world
is no longer obsessed with the political ideological conflict between the two
superpowers of the Cold War period, so that Governments and non-governmental
actors can, once again, turn to other burning problems, such as the situation in
Tibet. Many Governments are in the process of reviewing their foreign policy on
many fronts. They should also thoroughly review their Tibet policy in line with
the post-cold war international reality.  Initiatives by parliaments and
conferences in different parts of the world to address the human rights
situation in Tibet and its underlying political cause as well as moves by a
growing number of countries to take up the issue again at the United Nations
have met with strong resistance from the Government of the People's Republic of
China. One of the results have been a stream of propaganda booklets, following
the Stalinist and Maoist tradition, intended to convince foreign readers of
China's right to rule Tibet and the great benefit it brought to the people of
Tibet.  The Present document, Tibet: Proving Truth from Facts, is intended to
respond to the new demand for concise information on key points of the Tibetan
question, and at the same time, to serve as a response to the Chinese
propaganda, particularly the one issued by the State Council under the title of
Tibet--Its Ownership And Human Rights Situation, and published as White Paper.
The Tibetan Government-in-Exile does not have the resources to respond to each
misrepresentation of the Tibetan situation which appears in the Chinese
propaganda. But truth being on the side of the Tibetan people, we feel the need
from time to time to restate the facts plainly, as they really are, and trust
that this will serve the cause of truth and justice.  This publication touches
upon many areas of concern: the fundamental question of the status of Tibet, the
validity of China's claim to "ownership" of it and Tibetan people's right to
self-determination; the "17-Point Agreement" and its effect on Tibet's status;
the events surrounding the resistance to Chinese rule and the Dalai Lama's
flight to India; the Tibetan social system before the Chinese occupation and
democratic reforms initiated by the Dalai Lama; human rights conditions in
occupied-Tibet; deprivation of religious freedom; socio-economic conditions and
colonialism; population transfer and control; the state of Tibet's environment;
issues related to the militarisation of Tibet; and the efforts that have been
undertaken to find a solution to the question of Tibet.

One aspect of the Tibetan situation has been insufficiently highlighted in the
past, even though it is fundamental to understanding the context of much of what
is happening in Tibet today. This is the profoundly colonialist nature of
Chinese rule in Tibet. We tend to identify colonialism with European colonial
expansion in the past two centuries. But, as the Malaysian, Irish and other
governments pointed out during the United Nations General assembly debates on
the Question of Tibet, colonialism in all its manifestations must be brought to
an end, whether perpetrated by countries in the West or the East.  The Chinese
themselves view Tibet in colonial terms: that is, not as part of China proper,
but as non-Chinese territory which China has a right to own and exploit, on the
basis of relationship that existed 700 years ago, or, at best, 200 years ago.
This attitude is evident already from the title of the Chinese Government's
White Paper, which refers to the "ownership" of Tibet. If Tibet were truly an
integral part of China for hundreds of years, as China claims, Tibet could not
form the object of "ownership" by the country it is already a part of. The very
notion of "ownership" of Tibet by China is colonialist and imperialist in
nature.  Colonialism is characterised by a number of important elements, all
of which are abundantly present in China's rule over Tibet. The most common
characteristics of colonialism are:  *domination by an alien power; *acquisition
of control through military force, unequal treaty; *frequent insistence that the
colony is an integral part of the "mother" state; *maintenance of control
through instruments of military or administrative and economic power in the
hands of the colonial power; *active or passive rejection of alien domination by
the colonised people; *suppression, by force if necessary, of persons opposing
colonial rule; *chauvinism and discrimination; *the imposition of alien
cultural, social and ideological values claimed to be "civilising"; *the
imposition of economic development programmes and the exploitation of natural
resources of the colony, primarily for the benefit of the colonial power;
*promotion of population transfer of citizens of the metropolitan state into the
colony and other forms of demographic manipulation; *disregard for the natural
environment in the colony; and, in most cases, *an obsessive desire to hold on
to the colony despite the political and economic cost.  Most of these
characteristics are discussed in this document. Some of these issues are also
discussed in the Chinese White Paper on Tibet, in a manner and style which only
confirms the colonialist or imperialist view of Tibet held by China's
leadership.   

STATUS OF TIBET -- WHO "OWNS" TIBET?
Tibet's status at the time of the Chinese invasion in 1949 must be judged on
the basis of the facts existing at that time and during the decades that
preceded it, that is, on the basis of Tibet's modern history rather than, as
China tries to do, its ancient history. Tibet was independent at the time of
China's invasion: The country possessed all conditions of statehood under
international law; there was a defined territory, a population inhabiting that
territory; and a functioning Government exercising authority over that
territory, and possessing the ability to enter into international relations. 
China contends that Tibet did not maintain international relations
independently of China and that no country recognised Tibet's independence. This
is not true. Although Tibet chose not to develop extensive international
relations, following an isolationist policy for much of its history, it did
maintain bilateral relations with countries in the region by whom it was,
indeed, recognised.  A study of Tibet's history reveals that, contrary to
Chinese Communist claims, Tibet at no time became an integral part of China. It
is not disputed that at different times Tibet exercised influence on or came
under the influence of its neighbours. It would be hard to find any state in the
world today that has not been subjected to foreign domination or influence for
some part of its history. Tibet, however, was never colonised or annexed through
the use of force. Thus, today, despite more than 40 years of occupation, Tibet
is an independent country under illegal occupation. This has been recognised by
many, including the US Congress and the Parliament of Australia, as recently as
1992.  The Tibetan people are today one of the best examples of a people with
the right to self-determination.  Recent prestigious international law
conferences have stressed the need for the early realization of the Tibetan
people's right to self-determination.  The Dalai Lama has  called on China to
agree to the holding of an internationally supervised plebiscite, so that
Tibetans can express their wishes, in accordance with their rights, through
democratic means. This China has, to date, rejected. 

THE INVASION AND ILLEGAL ANNEXATION OF TIBET: 1949-1951  
The Chinese Government claims that the so-called "17-Point Agreement for the
Peaceful Liberation of Tibet", signed in 1951 -- after the defeat of the small
Tibetan army -- shows that Tibetans not only agreed to, but actually invited
Chinese Communist troops to "liberate" Tibet. The facts show that the Tibetan
Government was coerced into accepting the document drafted by China and imposed
upon the Tibetan negotiators under the threat of all-out military conquest. 
Treaties imposed by the threat or use of force upon a country are not valid
under international law, and cannot, therefore, serve to legitimise an otherwise
illegal invasion of territory. China, in fact, believes all unequal treaties and
agreements to be invalid. There can hardly be a better example of an unequal
"agreement" than the 1951 Tibetan-Chinese 17-point treaty.  

NATIONAL UPRISING 
Resistance to the Chinese occupation started to take on organised forms as
early as 1952, reached massive proportions in 1959, and has continued, primarily
underground, ever since.  Despite the Dalai Lama's efforts to find a modus
vivendi with the Chinese Government once it became evident that effective
international response to the Chinese aggression was not forthcoming, the cycle
of resistance and violent repression was not to be prevented. As refugees were
pouring into Lhasa from Eastern Tibet with accounts of Chinese atrocities there,
and as the Chinese presence throughout the country became increasingly
oppressive, the Tibetan people rose up against all odds, in desperation and
hope, in March 1959.  The uprising was brutally put down by the PLA, which
claimed to have killed over 87,000 Tibetans between March 1959 and October 1960
in Central Tibet alone. The Dalai Lama fled the country under the protection of
Tibetan guerilla forces only hours before the compound where he had stayed was
shelled by Chinese artillery, killing thousands of Tibetan people who had
gathered around the palace to protect him.  Neither the uprising, nor the
Dalai Lama's escape was planned. All the facts show that the Dalai Lama did all
he could to prevent an open confrontation between Tibetans and the mighty
Chinese army. The consequences of the confrontation which occurred were
devastating: the Chinese troops massacred thousands of people; tens of thousands
were taken to concentration camps or labour camps where most died; Tibetan
cultural and religious institutions were destroyed and the population was
subjected to terror campaigns and massive "re-education" efforts which the
Chinese in China experienced only years later during the Cultural Revolution. 

TRADITIONAL SOCIETY AND DEMOCRATIC FRAMEWORK FOR FUTURE TIBET  
China has always tried to justify its policy in Tibet by painting the darkest
picture of traditional Tibetan society. Tibetan society before the Chinese
invasion was, by no means, perfect. That was the reason why the Dalai Lama
initiated far-reaching reforms soon after he assumed full temporal authority in
the early fifties. Whatever be the case, no country can invade, occupy, annex
and colonise another country just because its social structure does not please
it.  In terms of social mobility and wealth distribution, traditional Tibet
compared favourably with most Asian countries. Every administrative posts below
the Dalai Lama was held by an equal number of monk and lay officials. Although
lay officials hereditarily held posts, those of the monks were open to all.
Monasteries offered equal opportunities to all to rise to any height through
their own scholarships. A popular Tibetan aphorism says, "If mother's son has
the knowledge, the throne of Gaden (the highest position in the hierarchy of the
Gelug school of Tibetan Buddhism) has no ownership".  All land belonged to the
state which granted estates, to monasteries and to individuals who had rendered
service to the state. The present Dalai Lama attempted to introduce land reforms
by proposing that all large estate holdings of monasteries and individuals be
acquired by the state for distribution amongst peasants. He created a special
reform committee which was authorised to hear and redress complaints by
individuals against the state authorities.  Famine and starvation were unheard
of in independent Tibet. However, from 1950 onwards, the Chinese military and
civilian personnel were fed on the state buffer stocks. They forced the Tibetan
populace to sell their personal stock of grains at nominal prices.  Soon after
his arrival in India, the Dalai Lama organised the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.
A series of democratic changes were initiated. A popularly-elected body of
people's representatives, known as the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies,
was constituted and a draft constitution for future Tibet promulgated. The
constitution even contained a clause whereby the executive powers of the Dalai
Lama could be curtailed by a majority of two-thirds of the total members of the
National Assembly.  In 1990, the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies was
expanded and its authority strengthened. The Assembly now elects the council of
ministers, who were formerly appointed by the Dalai Lama. A Tibetan Supreme
Justice Commission was also set up to act as the judiciary.  In 1992, the
Dalai Lama announced a Guideline for Tibet's future polity. It provided that the
future government of Tibet would be elected by the people on the basis of adult
franchise. The Dalai Lama said he himself would not "play any role in the future
government of Tibet, let alone seek the Dalai Lama's traditional political
position". The guidelines said:  Future Tibet shall be a peace-loving nation,
adhering to the principle of ahimsa (non-violence). It shall have a democratic
system of government committed to preserving a clean, healthy and beautiful
environment.  Tibet shall be a completely demilitarised nation.  The Tibetan
struggle is, thus, not for the resurrection of the traditional system as the
Chinese claim. 

HUMAN RIGHTS  
The Chinese occupation of Tibet has been characterised by systematic and gross
violations of human rights. This has resulted in the death of over 1.2 million
Tibetans (one-sixth of the population) between 1951 and 1979, and exile of some
80,000.  Although, today, the Chinese Government argues that Tibetans enjoy
freedom and human rights, all evidence points to continuation of gross
violations of human rights. Organisations, such as the Amnesty International,
Asia Watch, Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, the International
Commission of Jurists, Pax Christi, SOS Torture and France Libertes have
documented and reported widespread and systematic abuses against individual
Tibetans and against the Tibetan people, their culture and religion. A number of
governmental delegations to Tibet, such as those from Australia, Austria, and
Switzerland, confirmed the seriousness of these charges.  Human rights
violations in Tibet are inextricably linked to China's colonial policy in Tibet,
which cannot tolerate any form of opposition to Chinese absolute rule over this
territory. In 1991 the United Nations Sub-Commission on Prevention of
Discrimination and Protection of Minorities adopted a resolution on the
"situation in Tibet", calling attention to the violation of human rights and
fundamental freedom of the Tibetans "which threaten the distinct cultural,
religious and national identity of the Tibetan people". The UN Secretary General
prepared a note for the UN Commission on Human Rights (E.CN 4/37) containing
numerous detailed reports of human rights violations in Tibet, and since then,
these United Nations bodies have continued to hear and consider evidence of such
rights abuses in Tibet, and international concern for the situation in Tibet is
growing. 

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS AND COLONIALISM  
During his visit to Tibet in 1980, Chinese Communist Party Secretary Hu Yaobang
publicly admitted that Tibetans had not benefitted under the Chinese rule. Few
other Chinese leaders have had the courage to admit the failure of Chinese rule
in Tibet. Instead they boast -- in typical colonial manner -- about the great
social and economic benefits China has brought to the "backward" Tibetans.  It
is true that under Chinese rule, roads, airfields, power stations and bridges
have been built in Tibet. In recent months the country has also been opened to
foreign investment for a faster economic development. Yet, as most travellers to
Tibet recognise, this limited development will primarily benefit the Chinese
colonialists, Government and military rather than the Tibetan people. The
Tibetan population is still among the poorest in the world, the literacy rate of
Tibetans in Tibet (as opposed to those in exile) is shockingly low, unemployment
among Tibetans (as opposed to Chinese settlers) in Tibet is growing fast, and in
all walks of life, Tibetans are subjected to discrimination.  It is clear that
if the Tibetan people are left to run their own affairs as they have been for
the past 34 years in exile, their economic, social and cultural situation will
definitely improve significantly. 

RELIGION AND NATIONAL IDENTITY  
Tibet's earliest religion is B_n. Buddhism flourished in Tibet in the seventh
century. Receiving royal patronage, it spread throughout Tibet. With the
assumption of power by the Dalai Lamas in 1642, the era of "harmonious blend of
religion and politics" was established in Tibet.  Buddhism has not been a mere
system of belief to the Tibetans; it encompasses the entirety of our culture and
civilisation and constitutes the very essence of our lives. Of all the bonds
which defined Tibetans as a people and as a nation, religion was undoubtedly the
strongest. Tibetan national identity became indistinguishable from its religion.
 Monasteries, temples and hermitages were found in every village and town
throughout Tibet. By 1959, there were a total of 6,259 monasteries and temples
with about 592,558 resident monks and nuns.  Soon after their invasion of
Tibet, the Chinese authorities began to undermine the traditional social system
and religion of Tibet.  "Religion is the enemy of our materialist ideology and
believing in religion is blind faith. Therefore, you should not only not have
faith in religion, but should also condemn it, " people were told. By the middle
of the fifties, monasteries, temples, and cultural centres were systematically
looted and destroyed in eastern Tibet. The physical desecration and destruction
was accompanied by public condemnation of religion and humiliation and ridicule
of religious persons.  Contrary to official Chinese assertions, much of
Tibet's culture and religion was destroyed between 1955 and 1961, and not during
the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) alone. By 1976 only eight monasteries and
nunneries had escaped Chinese destructions.  Since 1979, some superficial
religious freedom was allowed.  This included selective renovation of places of
worship and allowing people to indulge in rituals like prostrations,
circumambulations, etc. But the propagation of the teachings of the Buddha is
discouraged and strictly controlled. The essence of Buddhism lies in mental and
spiritual development achieved through intensive study with qualified lamas,
understanding and practice. But the Chinese authorities discourage this in their
campaign to misrepresent Tibetan religion.  Contrary to Chinese claims, most
of the renovation work of the places of worship, including the "state-sponsored"
ones, came through the initiative of the Tibetan public who contributed their
labour and money.  The assistance given by the Chinese government only forms a
fraction of the total costs.  The Chinese authorities, even now, do not let
the functioning units of the monastic universities to continue their traditional
religious practices. Admission to monasteries are controlled, number of monks
limited and political indoctrination is undertaken in the monasteries. The
management of monasteries is placed in the hands of a maze of state
bureaucracies.  Though China no longer bombs or sends Red Guards to destroy
Tibet's monasteries, its aim still remains the same as before: total elimination
of Tibetan religion and culture. 

POPULATION TRANSFER  
China's assault on the Tibetan religion, culture and national identity is
nearing its terminal and irreversible phase through the implementation of
China's "final solution" to the Tibetan problem: absorption of the Tibetans
through sheer force of numbers.  In many regions of Tibet and in the urban
areas, Tibetans are already greatly outnumbered by Chinese settlers and
administrators. All instruments of political, economic, social and even cultural
power in Tibet are in the hands of the Chinese, so that any talk of autonomy by
Beijing is mere window dressing. In reality, Tibetans are fast being
marginalised and becoming a second-class citizens in their own country.  Exact
figures for the Chinese and Tibetan populations of Tibet are not available.
Chinese population statistics are unreliable with respect to Tibet and hide the
magnitude of the Chinese population transfer going on. Those statistics are also
entirely inconsistent with other statistics released by the Chinese Government
for the region. The Tibetan Government-in-Exile, on the other hand, is not
permitted by the Chinese authorities to carry out scientific surveys of the
situation, and must, therefore, rely on clandestine reports and estimates from a
variety of observers.  Despite the lack of exact figures, and despite Chinese
denials, the evidence points to a deliberate and long-standing population
transfer policy. The policy is carried out largely with the help of Government
incentive programs for Chinese from various Chinese provinces to relocate in
Tibet. Higher wages, special housing, business and pension benefits are but some
of the incentives provided.  China's fourth population census in 1990 put the
Chinese population (including a small number of Mongols) in the Tibetan
provinces of Kham and Amdo at 4,927,369. However, it is said that there is at
least one un-registered Chinese against every two registered ones. The actual
Chinese population, both registered and unregistered, in these areas should be
about 7.5 million. In the recent years, China is reported to have stepped up the
transfer of its population to the "TAR" also.  The policy and practice of
population transfer is not only violative of the Fourth 1949 Geneva Convention,
which prohibits the transfer of civilian population into occupied territory,
unless it is done with full and informed consent, it also constitutes a
violation of the human rights of the people into whose territory the settlers
are being transferred. This is evident from the United Nations Sub-Commission on
Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities Resolutions, and from
the results of the UNPO Conference on Human Rights Dimensions of Population
Transfer (Conference Report 2/1992).  In Tibet, population transfer presents the
greatest threat to the survival of the Tibetan people and culture and is
therefore a form of ethnic submersion and cultural genocide. 

ENVIRONMENT  
For centuries Tibetans lived on their sparsely populated plateau in harmony
with nature. Respect for all forms of life and for nature is a basic tenet of
Buddhism, and in Tibet's plateau environment maintenance of the delicate
ecological balance is vital for the survival of animal, plant and human life.

The Chinese occupation and militarisation of Tibet, the large influx of Chinese
settlers and the colonial exploitation of Tibet's natural resources in total
disregard of environmental consequences is having devastating effects on the
environment. Tibet has lost most of its rich forests, causing alarming
desertification of vast areas, degradation of grasslands or their conversion
into agriculture for Chinese settlers. This has also caused irreparable damage
to many of Tibet's precious nomadic pasture lands. Nuclear testing and weapons
production, uranium mining, and dumping of hazardous waste is having predictably
dangerous effects on human and animal life in some parts of Tibet. 

MILITARISATION  
Chinese control in Tibet has been and continues to be maintained by a large
military force. The number of the PLA troops and other security forces in Tibet
varies, and so do the independent estimates of their strength. In the entire
area of Tibet there are, at any rate, several hundred thousand well armed and
equipped men. In the north of Tibet China has nuclear installations and testing
grounds, and recently it has developed the capability of fast deployment of
troops by air from military bases anywhere in China.  The heavy militarisation
of Tibet is evident to any visitor to Lhasa and other important places in Tibet.
Lhasa is virtually surrounded by military camps and the inner city has a heavy
presence of special armed police and under-cover security personnel.  Several
dozen nuclear warheads are believed to have been stationed in Tibet. The first
nuclear weapon was brought onto the Tibetan plateau in 1971 and stationed in the
Tsaidam basin, in northern Amdo. As China's ground-based nuclear missiles can be
transported and fired from trailers, efforts to locate and count missiles in
certain areas remain difficult.  China's primary weapon research and design
facility, known as the "Ninth Academy" is located in Dhashu (Haiyan) in the
northeastern Tibetan province of Amdo. The facility is the most secret
organisation in China's entire nuclear programme and remains today an important
and high security military weapons plant. It was responsible for designing all
of China's nuclear bombs through the mid-seventies. It also served as a research
centre for detonation development, radiochemistry and many other nuclear weapons
related activities.  In 1988, China carried out in Tibet what the Jiefangjun
Bao of 16 September 1988 called "chemical defence manoeuvres in the high
altitude zone to test newly-developed equipment". According to a TASS report of
3 July 1982, "China has been conducting nuclear tests in several areas of Tibet
in order to determine the radiation levels among the people living in those
parts."  The militarisation of Tibet not only represents an oppressive burden
on Tibetans and a source of fear and, in many cases, terror, but it is also a
source of instability and potential conflict in the region. In 1962, it led to
the first Sino-Indian war in history, and tension on the border has remained
high since then.  
 
QUEST FOR SOLUTION  
The Dalai Lama and his Government have repeatedly made efforts to find a
negotiated solution to the grave situation in Tibet. In 1979, China's supreme
leader Deng Xiaoping stated that anything except total independence of Tibet
could be discussed and resolved. This has remained the stated position of the
Chinese government, but China has consistently behaved contrary to that
position. In reliance upon Deng Xiaoping's statement, the Dalai Lama made a
number of proposals, both bi-laterally and publicly, to the Chinese Government
for negotiations. Sadly, these overtures were not reciprocated by China.  In
1980, the Dalai Lama proposed sending teachers to Tibet from among well educated
Tibetan refugees to help improve the education of young Tibetans. In 1987, the
Dalai Lama announced a Five-Point Plan and a year later elaborated on that plan
in a speech delivered in Strasbourg. The Strasbourg Proposal, as it later came
to be known, contained far reaching concessions which fully responded to China's
declared interests in Tibet. Despite the fact that all these initiatives fell
well within China's stated policy, that anything except total independence could
be negotiated and resolved, the Chinese Government refused to come to the
negotiating table.  Early this year, the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government
in exile proposed to send a high level delegation to Beijing to deliver a letter
and note of the Dalai Lama to China's leaders and, once again, to attempt to
open an official dialogue. At the time of writing, China has yet to propose a
date.  The Dalai Lama's desire to seek a peaceful negotiated solution is well
known and has earned him the Nobel Peace Prize and numerous other awards. But it
takes two to negotiate, and despite China's insistence that it is willing to
talk, it always raised obstacles or sets conditions that cannot be met. The
Tibetan Government welcomes the efforts of many concerned governments who have
called on China to agree to negotiations without preconditions. It is hard to
understand China's reluctance to do so, unless it believes in achieving a
solution to the Tibetan question through a combination of force and population
transfer or ethnic submersion.  Hope for the survival of Tibet and its people
and culture now lies in the ability of the International community to persuade
China that it should act with moderation, respect the Tibetan people's rights,
and enter into earnest negotiations with representatives of the Dalai Lama and
the Tibetan people in order to seek a peaceful and mutually acceptable solution,
in keeping with the legitimate rights and aspirations of the Tibetan people. 
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