Part 40:  Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, 
	the NSA, and Banking Transactions Spying

		by J. Orlin Grabbe

	    (continued from Part 39)

	But I am getting ahead of the story.  When I first 
talked to Hayes, we had agreed to meet in Las Vegas at 
Defcon--a strange convention of computer hackers that is 
also sometimes well attended by computer security 
personnel and a few present and former intelligence 
operatives.  In the meantime, things began to heat up.

	I had started to probe the counter-intelligence 
investigation of Vince Foster that was underway at the 
time of Foster's death, as reported by Jim Norman in 
*Fostergate*.  And I had come across some evidence that 
said that one of the things stolen through White House 
channels were Presidential authentication codes 
(generated daily by the NSA), by which the President 
identifies himself in the event of nuclear war.  There was 
also a notebook giving all the global and regional nuclear 
options--a menu of pre-arranged military scenarios--that 
the President could select.  This information had been 
sold to Israel.

	Sources were reluctant to talk, on the one hand, 
because of national security oaths and the highly 
classified nature of the subject; but, on the other hand, 
they were even more alarmed and angered by the total 
trashing of national security on the part of the Clinton 
administration.  Some of these sources went out of their 
way not to blame Bill Clinton directly, and I gradually 
came to believe this was correct.  Basically, no one was in 
charge at the White House, and a variety of sub-figures 
did pretty much whatever they wanted to.  Bill himself 
was too involved giving speeches and chasing women 
and, as I learned later, snorting cocaine, to actually pay 
much attention to what was going on around him.  And 
what a lot of those around him wanted to do was make 
some money, according to the principle that "a politician 
who is poor, is a poor politician indeed."  Substitute 
"government official"--whatever.

	Hayes and I had not, to this point, really talked 
about Vince Foster.  As much as we had discussed 
money-laundering and political corruption, Hayes became 
wary when I brought up Foster, and would change the 
subject.  But then I put out "Part 7:  Allegations 
Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking 
Transactions Spying."  The CIA had taken note of the 
long phone conversations of Hayes and myself, and John 
Deutch, CIA Director, called Hayes up and accused him 
of discussing classified matters with me, after the post 
appeared on the Internet.  Hayes told Deutch to fuck off, 
then called me up and asked for a copy of the article.

	"It's on the Internet," I said.  "Well, I would have 
to ask someone," Hayes said.  So I faxed him a copy, even 
though his statement puzzled me.  I understood, later, 
when I visited Hayes at his place in Nancy, Kentucky.  
There were no computers around except for a lonely 
micro in his living room.  This microcomputer with no 
modem connection seemed as out of place as the 
Christmas tree in the corner that remained there year-
around.  Moreover, I knew about the statement of a judge 
in a court case, who had declared that Hayes knew 
nothing about computers.  Hayes was obviously delighted 
with that judicial confirmation of his ignorance.  But, on 
another occasion, I went to another location with Hayes 
and saw more operational used and surplus computer 
equipment than I had ever seen in one location in my life.  
Even the bathroom was wired and crammed with 
equipment.  One could sit on the john and easily believe 
one was inside mission control for NASA.  As I recall, 
there was also a large sign--reflecting someone's weird 
sense of humor--that read:  "Absolutely no PROMIS 
software allowed on the premises."

	   I followed Part 7 with a post (Part 8, naturally), 
which reported what Israeli newspapers had to say about 
Israel's nuclear spying in the U.S.  Much of this 
information had emerged at the time of the "Inman 
Affair"--involving former NSA director and Secretary of 
Defense nominee Bobby Inman.  (I also mentioned a 
Swiss account number that had Caspar Weinberger's name 
on it.  At the time, I thought there was an Israeli 
connection to the account, but this turned out to be 
incorrect.  Weinberger's Swiss account was related to 
illegal arms deals, not to espionage.)  But Part 8 
apparently created a storm in certain circles in 
Washington.  And again, the operational assumption was 
that Hayes was responsible for the content of my post.  
But, in fact, much of the information had come from an 
Israeli chemist named Israel Shahak.

	One consequence of Part 8 was that Bert Lance 
made a trip to Nancy, Kentucky.  He was acting as 
emissary for a fellow Georgian--namely, Newt Gingrich.  
It was a curious sort of contact.  Gingrich had sent Lance 
with a sealed packet of documents, because Gingrich 
knew Lance knew Hayes, but Gingrich and Hayes did not 
know each other.  (Hayes knew most of the Carter people, 
since he had been good friends with Billy Carter.  Hayes 
held Billy Carter's memory with a level of respect and 
affection equal to the contempt he voiced for Jimmy 
Carter.)

	"Why would Lance agree to be emissary?" I asked 
Hayes.

	"He probably thinks there is something in it for 
him," Hayes replied.  Then laughed.  "That fellow is 
amazing.  He could fall off the top of the Empire State 
Building in a straight jacket, and before he hit the ground, 
he would have found two parachutes, a bottle of champagne, 
and a gourmet meal."	

	The top page of the sealed package was a request 
to Hayes to check that the seal hadn't been broken--and to 
make sure that Lance didn't see any of the contents of the 
package.  Gingrich obviously didn't trust Lance.  Lance, 
for his part, was supposed to ensure that each page, after 
Hayes' reading, was fed into a paper shredder.  The 
documents mostly concerned money laundering.  It was 
some stuff Gingrich had been saving for a rainy day.  
Gingrich was sending it as an overture to Hayes, and 
additionally wanted to arrange a meeting.

	Hayes agreed, but he was suspicious of Gingrich's 
motives.  "If you can think of any reason--other than the 
stated one of discussing money laundering--that Gingrich 
might want to talk to me, or any hidden agenda he might 
have, you call me and let me know," Chuck said.  

	But I was annoyed.  I was annoyed at those who 
thought that Chuck Hayes was the source of anything I 
had written (he hadn't been, not yet).  I was annoyed at the 
people who had been following me around the past few 
days in Reno.  And I was annoyed at some footprints that 
had appeared on the hillside outside the fence behind my 
house.  "To hell with them all," I thought to myself, and 
took a circuitous route to hear some live music and to 
hang out on the town late at night.

	But the next morning, I got up and began to 
prepare a fifty-page background report on Newt Gingrich.

		  (to be continued)

November 28, 1996
Web Page:  http://www.aci.net/kalliste/